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p Esteemed Representatives of the Fraternal Parties, , Comrades,

p For me it is a big honour to convey to you, representatives of Communist and Workers’ Parties, the fraternal greetings of the Communist Party of Finland. Our Party has always attached importance to the co-operation and solidarity of Communist Parties. An inseparable part of the world communist movement, that most influential social and political movement of our time, the Finnish Party is conscious of its responsibility to the working class of its own country and, being a Party adhering to proletarian internationalism, also of its responsibility in the struggle for the common interests of the international working class.

p At this Meeting, as in all our work, we wish to achieve results that would promote our mutual solidarity and our comradely united action.

p We have long stressed the need for a meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties. We thought it necessary because, as we saw it, it was high time to discuss and work out in common an appraisal of the international situation and define the common tasks in the fight for peace, the freedom and independence of the peoples, democracy and socialism. The Meeting, and the preparations for it, have enabled us to benefit in our common interest from the multifarious and rich experience of the Marxist-Leninist Parties in different countries, working in different conditions.

p We are all concerned over the impairment of the unity of the world communist movement. Very different views, contradictions and conflicting opinions exist these days among the Communist Parties over many important ideological and political questions.

p The Communist Parties work in very different conditions; the historical traditions of the struggle are different. Due to the different situations in each country, due to their different stages of social development, the topical questions and immediate aims facing them are different as well. For this reason, some differences in the views and in the work of the Parties are natural. However, we should bear in mind the general laws of the social struggle, the socialist revolution and the building of socialism.

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p As our Party sees it, the need to examine the true nature and content of the differences and of their causes is compulsive, as is the need to achieve unanimity on the essential and fundamental issues. What this requires is a deep-going elaboration of the problems on the basis of scientific socialism, of MarxismLeninism, a serious and open fraternal discussion and exchange of opinions, an analysis and appraisal of the changes in the different countries and throughout the world. For this we require an unprejudiced open-minded approach. It will take time and patience. We cannot expect the existing problems to be resolved easily, quickly, at one go.

p Like the other fraternal Parties, we stress, too, that in the existing situation there is more of that which unites the Communist Parties than of that which divides them. Basically, in substance, the Communist Parties are close to each other, they have a common aim: carrying through the socialist revolution and building socialist society; they have a common, living theory—Marxism- Leninism, and a common need for mutual solidarity, for greater proletarian internationalism. They have a common enemy—national and international monopoly capital, reaction and imperialism, of which US imperialism* is the main force.

p We are certain that the unity of the world communist movement can be achieved on this common basis.

p At the same time, we must not isolate ourselves or stand aloof. Our Party agrees with many of the fraternal Parties that everything possible should be done to invigorate joint action by our movement. Such joint action will best develop in struggles aimed at achieving the common, vital and urgent goals.

p No task is more important today than that of uniting our forces for the fight against imperialism, for counteracting its dangerous aggressive policy. The international situation, the interests of all people, of all mankind, require us to do so. In these circumstances, it will be quite proper and justified to say that the theme of our Meeting, "Tasks at the Present Stage of the Struggle Against Imperialism and United Action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and All Anti-Imperialist Forces", expresses our most vital historical task that concerns and unites all of us.

p The world communist movement bears an extremely big responsibility for the success of the anti-imperialist struggle. It is the organic link that joins together the main forces of that struggle: the socialist world system, the international working-class and the national liberation movement.

p To consolidate the economic, political, as well as military power of the socialist world system is at once to impair imperialist positions. The consistently peaceful foreign policy of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries has greatly augmented the influence of socialism on the peoples of the world. We have every reason to say that socialism has become the decisive factor in man’s progress. Our Party is in accord with the collective conclusion drawn by the Communist Parties that the forces of peace are strong enough to curb the aggressiveness of imperialism, to prevent a third world war and assure freedom and independence for the peoples.

p Yet it would be a big mistake to underestimate the strength of imperialism and the danger of its policy. Imperialism is bent on preserving its positions where it is still able to dominate and exploit other peoples. It is bent on regaining 66 areas it has lost, intervening in the internal affairs of the peoples and supporting reaction wherever it can.

p The Vietnam war waged by the United States and its allies for many years is an obvious and glaring example of imperialism’s aggressive policy. At the same time, it is evidence of its limited possibilities. The heroic Vietnamese people has been able to defend itself successfully with the support of the Soviet Union, other socialist countries and the progressive forces of the world. The aggressors were compelled to agree to negotiations. The 10-point programme recently advanced by the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, we hold, offers a realistic way of ending the imperialist aggression. We support it completely. The imperialists must be made to acknowledge the right of the Vietnamese people to settle their own affairs.

p The Middle East situation is also a result of imperialist aggressiveness. Imperialism supports the expansionist policy of Israel’s ruling circles despite the UN Security Council resolution, envisaging an end to the aggression and demanding the withdrawal of Israeli troops from occupied territories. In Africa, Asia and Latin America the imperialists interfere in different ways in the internal affairs of the peoples. And in Europe they keep up the tension. A roadblock must be put to their aggressive policy.

p Our Central Committee holds that the draft of the Main Document circulated among the Central Committees of all Parties after the March conference of the Preparatory Committee, coincides basically with the point of view of our Party. We suggested a few amendments and additions in the course of the preparations, and note with satisfaction that a considerable number of our remarks is reflected in one way or another in the draft under review. Our delegation has closely studied the draft and the amendments introduced by the Preparatory Committee at its last sitting. We find that the draft is now better and that in places the wording has become sharper and more lucid. Our delegation holds that in its present state, the draft is a good basis for discussion at this Meeting.

p Understandably, the draft of a document produced by the collective effort and consultation of more than 70 Parties, cannot conform in all respects to the standpoint of each Party. It was our aim to produce a document that would reflect the common attitude of the Parties on the main issues, expressing that on which all of us agree. We, for our part, chiefly submitted amendments that would accurately reflect those appraisals and conclusions that our Party arrived at in relation to the international situation and to our tasks in the fight against world imperialism.

p We stress the need for doing everything to achieve greater unity. This Meeting may become an important turning point for our movement in the effort to restore united action. Therefore, while working further on the draft of the Main Document at this Meeting, the most important task is to make it serve the unity of our forces as effectively as possible, so that the contribution of all Parties should merge with the greatest effect in a single powerful action against imperialism.

p The principles governing relations between Parties have, we hold, been correctly defined in the draft and constitute the basis, the point of departure, 67 for cementing the ranks of the world communist movement in the fight for peace, democracy and socialism.

p The Preparatory Committee has also worked out drafts of three other documents—the Appeal in Defence of Peace, the appeal "Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!" and the address on the centennial of Lenin’s birth. We consider these documents indispensable. Our delegation recommends that they be adopted.

p The Communist Party of Finland sees its class struggle as part of the great united struggle of Communist and Workers’ Parties. We look upon the international successes of the movement as our own, and upon the failures as our own difficulties. We, too, wish to contribute by our work to the great united struggle of the Communists.

p Our political work of recent years was oriented on creating a front of the working-class movement and other democratic forces against big capital and political reaction, on consolidating the peaceful foreign policy of our country, improving the living conditions of the working people and achieving broader democratic rights. We hold these central political aims before us in all our activity in the working-class movement, the democratic mass organisations, the parliament and even the government, in which representatives of our Party have been participating for more than three years.

p The cabinet consists of representatives of three working-class parties and two bourgeois parties of the Centre. The share held by the Communists and People’s Democrats totals one-fifth, while four-fifths of the ministries are headed by Social Democrats and representatives of the bourgeoisie. For nearly three years, the capitalist economy has been in the grip of a depression, and the increasing unemployment is now the main concern of the government.

p Experience shows that a Communist Party has to face up to new and difficult problems whenever it has to decide on whether or not to participate in the government of a capitalist country as a minority when the general political premises are not yet at hand for radical, profound and rapid changes in society.

p That our Party entered the government is not the result of any direct pressure from a powerful mass movement. It is the outcome of a long process unfolding under the impact of internal and external political factors. Thus, the situation diifered substantially from earlier situations in which Communist Parties entered governments in capitalist countries. This was unusual and, in a way, sudden. The decision was preceded, however, by a long political crisis. The bourgeois parties were unable to govern the country alone and the cabinets were short-lived. The united forces of the working-class movement were strong. As far back as the fifties, the Unitarian policy followed by our Party caused a crisis in the Social-Democratic Party, whose leadership gravitated to the Right and adhered to anti-communist positions. This lesson warned it against assuming sole responsibility for the government or sharing it with the bourgeois parties in 1966. At the same time, our Party had long protested against the discrimination to which it was subjected.

p The most noteworthy thing was, however, that the Social-Democratic leadership had gradually begun reconsidering its attitude towards co-operation with our Party, which it had formerly rejected out of hand. It had begun to reconsider 68 its approach to the Soviet Union and the Soviet Communist Party, the peace movement and certain international problems, such as the Vietnam war and the problem of European security. This was a new factor, highlighting a turn, albeit hesitant and incomplete, which, incidentally, it still is to this day.

p The policy of the government, unsatisfactory and disappointing in many respects from the point of view of the working class, created certain difficulties for all the governing parties, ours included, for our participation had evoked more hope and greater expectations than could be realistically expected from it in the prevailing political situation. The parties comprising the government majority are not yet ready for the reforms advocated by our Party. For all this, with the present relation of political forces, with capital dominant, we cannot imagine any other government that would follow a home and foreign policy more consistent with the interests of the majority of the nation and of the working masses. That is why the opinion is widespread among Communists, among the working masses, that the present government base should be retained, while working for a government policy that would conform more closely to the interests of the people, curb the power of the capitalist monopolies, reduce unemployment by government measures aimed at accelerating industrialisation and economic growth, substantially extend economic co-operation with the Soviet Union and secure democratic changes in all areas of public life.

p It is a most important achievement that the bourgeois Right wing, which represents the interests of big capital most distinctly, has been isolated from the government. We are eager to preserve this state of affairs in the home and foreign policy of our country.

p At the same time, we are working for a greater militant unity of the working class. The industrial workers have become more active, and so has the Left radical movement among students and intellectuals. On the other hand, however, the Right forces are more active, too, working in concert to create a government crisis and form a government of their own choice, one that would steer rightwards in policy. In sum, the political situation in our country is becoming more acute.

p By now we have concrete examples of united action in many areas. The state sector in industry is visibly expanding. Social security has grown considerably. And a democratic reform is under way in the system of education.

p Our greatest and most lasting accomplishment in recent years is that we have further consolidated and energised the peaceful foreign policy of our country. The good relations between Finland and the Soviet Union, based on mutual confidence, are the main cornerstone of Finland’s foreign policy. They are founded on the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Aid concluded in 1948, when our Party participated in the government for the first time. The vast majority of our people appreciate the decisive role of this Treaty, being convinced that frien*. .y ties between our countries correspond to the vital interests of our nation.

p In its 50 years, the Communist Party of Finland has pioneered the effort to build up confidence between the peoples of Finland and the Soviet Union. Today, too, it is doing everything in its power to safeguard and promote co-operation between our countries. Our Party is fighting against the Rights, 69 who are trying to sow seeds of mistrust. It is repelling actions aimed at injuring Finnish-Soviet relations. We attach particularly great importance to a further growth of economic co-operation between our countries, because that is a matter of cardinal importance from the standpoint of our economy and of resolving the employment problem.

p We are in full accord with the conclusion set out in the draft of the Main Document that safeguarding world peace is linked inseparably with the struggle for the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems. We should like to stress the importance of that struggle. Its basic aim is to compel the imperialists to respect the sovereignty and equality of each state, big or small, to refrain from interference in the internal affairs of other countries and to respect the right of the peoples to choose their own social system. Broad strata of people have come to recognise the peaceful coexistence principle. The struggle for the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems is an inseparable part of the great international class struggle of our time, the struggle against the imperialist policy of aggression.

p The fight against war, for lasting world peace, is actively supported in our country by different sections of the population. Representatives of different political parties, public organisations, the trade-union movement, youth organisations of different parties and student organisations, take part in the united movement for peace. As we see it, a distinct change has come about in the attitude of large sections of the population in the capitalist countries. Anti- communism, like the contention that a danger of attack emanates from the Soviet Union, no longer carries the previous weight. The vast forces working for peace and the security of the peoples may be brought together in the common anti-imperialist struggle for social progress, in the drive for the freedom and independence of nations.

p For the peoples of Europe and the world, the security of our continent is a matter of prime importance. We must not forget that two world wars were begun on our continent by German militarism and imperialism. Like the other peoples of the northern countries, the Finns are aware of the threat to the security of our continent created by NATO and its activities and by West German militarism, NATO’s main European force. It is highly important that all states should recognise the existing borders in Europe, normalise relations with both German states, dissolve military alliances and create a system of collective security conforming with the interests of all the peoples of our continent. The Communist Party of Finland supports the proposals of the Warsaw Treaty countries and those set out in the document of the Karlovy Vary Conference of European Communist Parties.

p Some time ago the government of Finland took the initiative concerning i European security conference and suggested holding it in our country. Our Party views this initiative by a government in which the Left and Centre collaborate, as highly noteworthy. We hope that it will win the broad support of the European peoples and that of the governments of the European countries, and that it will be carried into effect in the shortest possible time, consolidating peaceful development on our continent. For the same reason, our Party is also working for the complete diplomatic recognition of the German Democratic Republic.

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p The Communists of Finland are in accord with an earlier appraisal made by our movement, namely that the forces of peace in the world are strong enough to prevent the imperialists from starting a new destructive world war. However, the peace forces will not succeed if they are divided, acting in isolation from each other. It is essential to bring together all those forces working for peace, against imperialism, for purposeful activity, creating a basis for united action.

p These forces are different and they work in highly varied conditions. Their understanding of many social problems is different too. The call to battle issued by our Meeting should evoke a response among all those anti-imperialist democratic forces that champion peace and cherish freedom, human progress and the security of nations.

p As a Party working in a capitalist country, we should like to stress the immense significance of the international working class in this great class struggle. After all, the working class, too, is not united in those countries. The, preconditions for its unity are only ripening. However, it is evident that in recent years an appreciation of the dangers of imperialism’s aggressive policy, of the need for combating it, has grown among different groups of the working class, among the members and followers of different working-class parties. There are good opportunities to rally broad strata of the working class, the trade-union movement, the followers of different working-class parties, for the great anti- imperialist, anti-monopoly battle in behalf of peace and democracy. Groups of whitecollar workers belonging to the working class and the intelligentsia can be drawn into this movement to an increasing extent. The youth is increasingly conscious of the injustices implicit in capitalism and imperialism and has a stake in a fair solution of problems that concern all mankind. Ever broader strata are arriving at the conclusion that a new, socialist social system based on freedom and equality should replace the social system based on exploitation.

p We, the Communist and Workers’ Parties, shoulder a great responsibility for the future of all mankind. By uniting forces, we shall produce new premises for uniting broad anti-imperialist force.s for joint action against imperialism’s aggressive policy. We hold that the preparations for the Meeting have shown convincingly the feasibility of our central goal. And it will be facilitated by working out a common programme of struggle for the freedom of the peoples and for securing peace.

p This Meeting is taking place at a time when large sections of people in different countries prepare to mark the centennial of Lenin’s birth. For us, Finnish Communists, as for our entire working-class movement, Lenin’s work is familiar and dear. Lenin showed a lively interest in the life of the Finnish people. He had close contacts with the revolutionary working-class movement of our country. The Finns had the privilege of affording him asylum on more than one occasion. We respect Lenin as the great leader of the international workingclass movement, and we respect him for the big role he played in recognising Finland’s independence over 50 years ago. That is why we are convinced that large progressive sections of our people will participate alongside the Communists in the celebrations to be organised to honour Lenin’s EC’ ivity in our country.

Close and intimate bonds of co-operation have existed between our Party 71 and Lenin’s Party for all of 50 years. The Communist Party of Finland conveys fraternal greetings to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.- We are deeply grateful for everything the CPSU has done to create such a favourable atmosphere for the Meeting. Our Party will continue to develop close fraternal relations with the CPSU and other fraternal Parties, working for the unity of the world communist movement. Long live the world communist movement and its unity!