GEORGI DIMITROV

SELECTED WORKS

SELECTED
WORKS
IN THREE
VOLUMES

SOFIA PRESS

CONTENTS

Policy Declaration of the New Fatherland Front Government 7 We Should Keep Our Promises to the Bulgarian People . 21 Private Trade and Industry Stand in Need of Partial Reform 26 Prime Conditions for Consolidating Co-operative Farms . 31 Our Party's Foresight Has Been Brilliantly Borne Out ... 41

Let Us Fulfil the Two-Year -Economic Plan ........... 53

Shoulder to Shoulder Ever Forward in Spite of All!.....57

The Printed Word Is a Mighty Weapon ............. 61

Statement Made to John Fisher,Correspondent of the London

Daily Mail .................................... 66

Statement Made to Rigal, Special Correspondent of

L'Humanite ................................... 71

The Shock-Work and Emulation Movements Are of Great Importance ........................................ 77

Combating Idleness, Waste and Bureaucracy .......... 82

Message of Congratulations to Comrade Vassil Kolarov on His

70th Birthday ................................. 93

Howto Avert a New Munich...................... 95

The Young Democratic League - A Valiant Fighting Detachment

of Our People ................................ 100

The USSR - Indestructible Bastion of Peace and Democracy 105

The Constitution .............................. 109

The Imperialist Plans in the Balkans Must be Checked . Ill Two Main Tasks Calling for the Unification of Bulgarian Youth ......................................114

Basic Questions of Policy and Tactics of the Bulgarian Agrarian

Union ...................................... 120

Onward to New Successes and Victories for Our Nation's Welfare! ........................................ 128

Work and Patriotism .......................... 136

Our Nation's Development Is Moving Toward the Destruction of the Capitalist Exploiter System and the Emancipation from

Every Imperialist Dependence.................... 144

The Romanian and the Bulgarian People Are Headed for Bright

Horizons .................................... 149

The Fatherland Front, Its Development and Impending Tasks .......................................155

2-677

Concluding Speech at the Second Congress of the Fatherland

Front ...................................... 205

The Bulgarians' Deep Love and Gratitude for the Soviet Liberation Army ................................... 211

Without the Working Class There Can Be No People's Democracy

............................................ 214

Speech at a Mass Meeting Welcoming Bulgaria's Government

Delegation on Its Return from Moscow ............ 227

Tasks of the Bulgarian Women's Union Connected with the Political and Cultural Education of Bulgarian Women .... 230 A New World War Today Is Neither Inevitable nor

Imminent ...................................245

Forward Through Labour, Education and Struggle Towards New

Successes and New Victories ..................... 253

In Our People's Republic the Army Constitutes an Integral Part

of the People ................................ 258

The Treaty of Alliance between Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia Is a Major Contribution to the Establishment of Lasting Democratic

Peace ...................................... 263

The Bulgarian-Polish Treaty of Alliance Lays a Sound Foundation for Far-reaching Co-operation for the Good of the Two Fraternal Peoples, for the Good of World Peace and Democracy 266 The Treaty between Bulgaria and Hungary Is a Fresh Important Contribution to the Cause of Peace and the Deepening of Friendship between the Two Nations ................... 277

The October Socialist Revolution Opened for Mankind the Road

to True Democracy and Socialism ................. 282

Political Report of the Central Committee to the Fifth Congress of

the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communists) ......... 287

Concluding Speech ............................ 377

For General Advance of Bulgarian Socialist Culture ... 383

May Day Message ............................. 388

Letter on the Occasion of the Election Victory ....... 391

Letter to the Students of the Higher Party School ..... 394

Notes ...................................... 396

Biographical Notes ............................ 403

POLICY DECLARATION OF THE NEW FATHERLAND FRONT GOVERNMENT

November 28, 1946

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives!

The Government, which I have the honour to preside, is by composition and character a government of the Fatherland Front^^1^^. It will carry on still more energetically and firmly the policy of the preceding government for the complete and consistent implementation of the Fatherland Front programme.

Having assumed the country's government as a result of the historic victory of the people's uprising on September 9, 1944, the Fatherland Front has been able to consult the people's will three times in the course of two years, and has been given the people's confidence on all three occasions.

The elections for the Grand National Assembly, held on the basis of a perfectly democratic electoral law, proceeded in a spirit of complete order and freedom, as all impartial observers admit.

The brilliant victory of the Fatherland Front in these elections showed with particular clarity the unshakable confidence, of the great majority of the Bulgarian people in the Fatherland Front. This victory evidences what deep roots the Fatherland Front has struck, as a historically indispensable union of the anti-fascist, democratic and progressive forces of the Bulgarian people.

The proclamation of the People's Republic and the elections for the Grand National Assembly, based on the

democratic reforms carried out since September 9, round off a stage in our country's development and in our efforts to consolidate the people's rule. The hopes of reaction for a restoration, to drive new Bulgaria back to the hateful past, were shattered in the elections for the Grand National Assembly. The Fatherland Front has been completely consolidated as guide of Bulgaria's fate. The question about the representative character of the Fatherland Front's Government has been solved by our people in a positive sense.

Our country now enters upon a new stage of development. The foundations of people's democracy have firmly been laid. The way for the all-round reconstruction of our young People's Republic has been paved. The possibility of completely normalizing the country's internal and external situation is at hand.

The Government is well aware that the enemies of our people will not give up their efforts to undermine the people's rule. That is why it will continue to fight firmly and consistently to liquidate the survivals of fascism and to tame reaction. Parallel with th^;s, it thinks it possible and necessary to abolish in the near future a number of measures which in the first stage after the people's uprising of September 9, 1944, were absolutely indispensable for securing the democratic acquisitions of our people. In the economic field as well, it thinks it possible and necessary, in order to intensify production, to moderate and abolish a number of limitations imposed on private economic enterprise and activity, especially as regards farmers, insofar as these limitations are not dictated by the need of securing the people's food supply and other needs of the nation as a whole.

The Government is firmly resolved to do all within its power to establish strict law, order and perfect security for creative work, for every useful economic private initiative, for the life and property of the population.

The Government is firmly resolved to establish strict state discipline, requiring of all administrative departments and officials to perform their duties and fulfil the

Government's decisions and orders promptly and conscientiously. It will continue resolutely and without hesitation the consolidation and strengthening of the state apparatus, social and cultural institutions, educational institutions and courses, so that they may become perfectly fit to serve the people. The Government will take strict measures to eradicate bureaucracy and all signs of corruption in the administration.

The Government emphasizes the improvements made in the organization and functions of the people's militia. It will be its task to consolidate and develop these improvements to such an extent that the people's militia may be fit to fulfil with dignity its duties as a guardian of law and order under the new conditions.

The Government will show special concern for the consolidation of the fighting capacity of our army as a people's army, linked with the people forever, and a true guard of our land and our national freedom and independence. The necessary moral and political conditions will be provided to ensure stable service and material standards for the officers and NCOs in our army.

The Government will continue with still greater systematic efficiency the public health and social welfare policy, especially in the field of mother and child care. It will encourage and assist every private and public initiative for the building of dwelling houses, to cope with the housing shortage.

The Government will show concern for the general development and progress of national culture. It will subsidize, assist and sponsor every creative activity and every initiative tending to promote the nation's culture and stimulate its development along progressive lines.

The Government will give all-round protection to physical and intellectual work as a fundamental factor in the building of our people's prosperity. Working women and young people will be given special protection and encouragement.

The Government will resolutely give priority to youth

devotedly serving the people in every sphere of administrative, public, political, economic and cultural life. Our patriotic youth, which took a prominent part in the struggle against fascism and grew up as a strong vanguard of the Fatherland Front will now be given full opportunity to take part in the building of our People's Republic. Care for the education of youth, for the training of numerous cultural and technical cadres, for physical culture, summer camps, the youth labour brigade movement, for children and teenagers will be a subject of special attention on the part of the Government.

Evaluating highly the fact that women are taking a more active part in the life of society since they deservedly obtained equal rights, the Government will take all necessary steps for their broad and useful participation in all spheres of social, political, economic and cultural life.

The Fatherland Front has paid due attention to the Bulgarian national church, giving the necessary assistance for its canonic organization, which has helped it put an end to the schism and restore its relations with all Orthodox churches. The positive result manifested itself at this year's celebration of the millennium of the Rila Monastery, which was attended by the Moscow and all-Russian Patriarch Alexei.

The separation between church and state, which the Fatherland Front provides for in its programme in compliance with the principle of freedom of conscience and religious creed, has been dictated by the belief that it will enhance the national character of the Bulgarian church, enabling the clergy to serve the people faithfully.

The Government will assist the democratization of our national church, so that it can be more closely adapted to the needs and development of the people. Respecting the religious sentiments of the believers, it will continue to give the necessary material aid to the church and clergy until it becomes possible for the believers to assume their maintenance.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives!

It is hardly necessary for me to emphasize that the Government will continue with still greater energy the correct and tested foreign policy hitherto pursued by the Fatherland Front. The Government believes that the sincere and consistent friendship of the People's Republic of Bulgaria with our liberator, the great Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, forms the cornerstone of its foreign policy; besides, it will do all in its power to achieve complete normalization of Bulgaria's relations with the United States and Great Britain. It is profoundly convinced that there exist no insurmountable obstacles to this end.

The Government feels obliged to express the warm and profound gratitude of the entire Bulgarian nation to the Government of the Soviet Union for the invaluable support given in defence of our national cause. It must also emphasize the strong defence of the rightful Bulgarian demands by the Ukrainian and Byelorussian delegations at the Peace Conference, for which it conveys to them the gratitude of the Bulgarian people.

Noting with satisfaction the increasing admiration of democratic France for new Bulgaria, the Government will do all in its power to further consolidate the traditional friendly ties between the two countries.

It will work for still greater stabilization of the established friendly relations with Czechoslovakia and Poland, and for strengthening pan-Slav solidarity and unity as an important bastion of world peace.

The Government also conveys warm gratitude to Poland and Czechoslovakia, whose delegations supported our efforts for a just peace.

The Government appreciates highly the friendship with our northern neighbour, Romania. The brilliant victory of democracy in both countries guarantees that our nations will give each other increasing assistance and support along the lines of economic and cultural progress.

The Government will maintain good neighbourly relations with Turkey and will encourage the development of trade between the two countries.

It will make efforts to establish and consolidate diplomatic relations with all democratic countries.

The successful development of Bulgaria's economic relations with the Soviet Union and the renewal of trade relations with most of the European countries give us grounds to believe that the Government's efforts to extend the sale of our economic products in European, overseas and Near East countries and to improve our country's supply with the most indispensable raw materials and technical equipment will give positive results.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives I

The conclusion of a just peace with the United Nations is the major task of the Government in the field of foreign policy.

Our hope for such peace is based on the fact that with their stubborn resistance the Bulgarian people prevented nazi Germany from using the Bulgarian army for active operations on any front and, in turn, contributed to the final defeat of nazi Germany by taking part in the liberation war on the United Nation's side.

This substantial contribution of the Bulgarian people to the cause of freedom has been recognized by the Soviet Union and our fraternal Slav countries, which have been supporting us resolutely in the struggle for a just peace. Despite the hostile opposition at home and abroad, truth is making progress and good disposition towards our nation and new Bulgaria is steadily growing among the authoritative social circles of other countries. World democratic opinion looks upon Bulgaria as a co-belligerent country, and the Government will maintain its efforts to have this expressed in the final text of the peace treaty with Bulgaria, especially with respect to reducing the burdensome reparations to a minimum sum, which will be bearable for our country plundered and devastated by the nazis.

The Government will redouble its energy to protect our country from foreign encroachments. In these efforts, the Government will be inspired exclusively by the desire to

have lasting peace secured in the Balkans, and sincere cooperation with all neighbouring nations, including the Greeks, for whom the Bulgarian people harbour most friendly feelings. And if good neighbourly relations have not yet been established between Bulgaria and Greece, such as exist between us and all other of our neighbours, we are not to blame. The Government categorically denies all slanderous accusations against Bulgaria, systematically propagated from Athens, among which the latest assertion is that guerrilla detachments passed into Greek territory from Bulgaria.

In a few words, acting in the spirit of the Fatherland Front programme, the Government will do its best to have Bulgaria fulfil successfully her role as a sound element of peace, democracy and fraternal co-operation among nations.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives!

The new Fatherland Front Government will lay particular stress on economic problems. It will give priority to them throughout its activity and will do all in its power to cope as quickly as possible with the hardships and economic disorder inherited from fascism and the war, and aggravated by two subsequent droughts.

Considerable successes have so far been achieved in this respect by the former Fatherland Front Government.

Under the difficult conditions caused by last year's drought, the people were saved from famine and the livestock from starvation thanks to the ready response of the population, and to the timely aid of provisions and forage sent by the Soviet Union.

Despite the drought which was repeated this summer, the total agricultural output was higher than last year's thanks to the readiness and persistence with which the population fulfilled the Government's sowing plan. Industrial production during the past nine months of the current year has increased by 10 per cent. It will rise still higher in the forthcoming months as a result of better supply of our industry with local farm products and imported

materials and to the improvement of labour productivity and discipline.

Traffic in the railway and other transport systems has also marked a considerable increase.

The turnover of home trade has increased. Foreign trade has increased both as regards turnover and expansion of trade relations with other countries. Exports and imports during the past ten months have considerably surpassed last year's level. Parallel with the favourable development of our trade relations with the Soviet Union, we have also restored and expanded our trade relations with Czechoslovakia, Poland, Switzerland, France, Romania, Yugoslavia, Turkey, Belgium, Italy, Sweden, Austria, Hungary, Denmark, and other countries.

The stabilization of the lev testifies to the Government's successful efforts to consolidate the country's financial and economic position and shows the people's confidence in the Fatherland Front Government.

Despite all these undoubted successes, achieved in the current year, Bulgaria's economic condition is still tense and serious. The Government is fully aware of the fact that we are still faced with great difficulties, the solution of which will require exceedingly strong efforts on the part of the Government and all sections of the people. Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives! In its future economic policy the Government will follow the principle that only by increasing production, improving its quality and reducing production costs will it be able to secure the rehabilitation and development of the nation's economy and the full consolidation of state finances.

The Government will continue resolutely and without hesitation to take measures for the speediest possible industrialization of the country. For this purpose it will launch the construction with state, municipal co-operative and private funds of a number of new factories and plants, such as a nitrogen fertilizer plant, a soda works and a sulphuric acid plant and others, and expand and recondition

the existing industrial enterprises. In order to make most rational use of agricultural production, to increase the farmers' incomes, improve the population's food supply and extend our export potentials, steps will be taken to rationalize the branches of industry processing farm products and will build a large number of such enterprises. The Government will encourage private initiative in the construction of new industrial enterprises and in the development of the existing ones.

Particular stress will be laid on the speedy liquidation of the shortage of power supply, for which purpose an integral electrification system will be created, based on sufficient number of powerful thermo- and hydro-electric power stations with a grid covering the whole country, reaching the most remote corners of the land.

In view of the great drawback of our insufficient and backward coal production for the development of the entire national economy, the Government will provide in its programme for the maximum acceleration of the opening of new mines in our rich Sofia and Maritsa lignite coal

basins.

The Government will take pains to improve and develop our railway, automobile and air transport.

In order to improve the standards of the rural districts and thereby strengthen the basis of the development of the entire economy, the Government will assist agriculture and stockbreeding in every respect. It will encourage and support the mechanization and rationalization of agriculture. To increase the yields per unit of land through irrigation, the Government will include in its programme the broadest and fullest utilization of the water resources. The construction of the basic dams will be completed in shorter terms. The Government will also take extensive measures to complete in the next few years the drainage of the Danubian and other lowlands.

The Government will continue to give all-round support to the producers' co-operatives based on the principle of voluntary participation. It will take measures to prevent

conflicts and misunderstandings between the producers' co-operatives and private farmers.

The Government will also show special concern in the development and modernization of the crafts, for the regular supply of the craftsmen with raw materials. It will encourage the formation of craftsmen's co-operatives.

In the field of home trade the Government will continue its efforts to rationalize commission agents system, for which purpose it will first of all elimitate the socially harmful and economically unjustified brokerage, especially in wholesale trade. To be able to regulate prices, the Goverment will encourage the foundation of a new trade enterprise, Naroden Magazin. The latter will promote the participation of the co-operatives in commodity exchange, so as to shorten and cheapen the path of goods from producer to consumer, and will simultaneously fight energetically against pseudo-co-operativism and co-operative parasitism existing in some co-operatives. It will allow private traders to participate in the exchange along with the co-operatives and to compete with them.

In order to promote the general expansion of foreign trade, the Government will maintain its efforts to build a sound foreign trade apparatus with the participation of state enterprises, co-operative societies and other social establishments, and the solid and trustworthy private firms. The Government will lay special stress on the improvement and extension of vocational education, in order to train the necessary qualified cadres for our growing industry building, crafts and agriculture.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives! Continuing the economic policy of the Fatherland Front, tending to eliminate profiteering and parasitic capital from national economy, to co-ordinate constructive private enterprise with the consolidation of the statecontrolled and co-operative sectors of national economy and with the introduction of planning in our economic life, the Government intends to make in its economic policy all necessary corrections, dictated by the experience gained in

life. It will work energetically to remove the existing shortcomings in the system of production quotas and the population's supply with provisions, clothing and fuel, to do away with the erroneous extremes and arbitrary acts against labour, constructive private enterprise and property of the citizens, and to co-ordinate private capital and private enterprise with the general interests of the people and the economic policy of the state, so as to guarantee the proper development of the Bulgarian national industry and the entire national economy.

Taking the necessary steps to secure the national food supply under the difficult conditions brought about by the nazi pillage, war and drought, the Government will struggle relentlessly against any profiteering on the people's bread and on all goods of prime necessity.

Encouraging the shock-worker movement and patriotic emulation, working for the tightening of labour discipline at enterprises and offices and for the establishment of proper relations between workers and employees, on the one side and employees and manager of enterprises and office, on the other, the Government will always bear in mind and do all within its power to improve the conditions of workers, employees and other working people. It emphasizes the fact that only intensified production and a strengthened economy can prepare the ground for improving the conditions of the working class and for raising the living standards of the Bulgarian people as a whole.

The Government finds it necessary to revise the pay rolls of the state employees and civil servants, so as to stabilize and improve their status. At the same time it will resort to the necessary rationalization and simplification of the services.

To secure a fuller utilization of local resources and potentials, the Government will increasingly advise the municipalities to engage in economic and building activities.

In the financial field, the new Government will work out a well-ballanced, realistic and constructive budget,

which will correspond to the taxation capacities of the Bulgarian people and will promote economic and cultural building schemes. In its taxation policy, the new Government will continue to apply the principle of co-ordinating the levy of each individual tax-payer with his paying capacity, on the basis of a progressive income tax. It will encourage and protect savings and will reconstruct and improve our credit system, so as to make it of still greater use to production. Introducing a strict regime of economies everywhere - in the state apparatus and the nation's economy, economies of food and forage, materials, coal and electric power, economies of labour and time, and establishing strict accounting and financial control - the Government will take pains and do all that is necessary to guarantee the stability of the Bulgarian lev in the future.

The Government will continue with still greater firmness its policy of balancing the prices of agricultural and industrial products and handicraft services, taking into account the international market prices. For this purpose the Government will reorganize the Prices Institute. It will take severe measures against all who disturb our economic life, against evil-doers, profiteers and wreckers.

To introduce the necessary planning and order in our economy, for its steady and secure development, and to remove to the largest possible extent the elements of unsystematic work and disorder, the Government will work out a two-year plan for the development of national > economy.

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The fulfilment of the above mentioned economic tasks - and of the two-year plan for our economic development in particular, will make it necessary to overcome considerable , difficulties resulting from our poverty, our economic back- ' wardness, the disastrous devastations caused by the former ; reactionary and fascist regimes, as well as by the two dry years.

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The Government therefore believes that the implemen- j tation of the Fatherland Front's economic programme _f demands of the people to use all their material and moral j

forces, and be ready to face any temporary privation. Because only stamina and hard labour can guarantee our country's economic progress and our people's prosperity.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives!

The Grand National Assembly, as you know, will have to fulfil exceedingly important tasks, tasks of historic significance.

In the first place, it will elaborate and adopt a really progressive Constitution of the people's republic, which will take into account the needs of the Bulgarian people, their historic development and which will be co-ordinated with their national characteristics and traditions. There can be no doubt that the Grand National Assembly will pay due attention to the opinions and suggestions made and expressed during the elections and after them, at the nationwide discussions on the draft Constitution, prepared by the National Committee of the Fatherland Front.

In the second place, the Government will submit the state budget for 1947 and the Two-Year Economic Plan for consideration and approval by the Grand National Assembly.

In the third place, the Government will submit to the Grand National Assembly bills co-ordinating existing legislation with the future Constitution of the people's republic. It will also introduce for consideration and decision bills dictated by current of government affairs.

Ladies and Gentlemen National Representatives!

For the solution of its great and responsible problems, the Government relies on the support of the Grand National Assembly and the unity of the sound forces of the people integrated in the Fatherland Front. In all its activity, the new Government will be guided by the conception that it is necessary to maintain and deepen co-operation among the Fatherland Front parties and social organizations and strengthen the unity of the Fatherland Front as an invincible union of the sound people's forces, as guiding force of the Bulgarian people's destinies and indestructible mainstay of the People's Republic of Bulgaria. The Government will also welcome the co-operation of those social

and political groups and workers outside the Fatherland Front, who would be ready to serve our country sincerely and honestly. It will readily welcome any rational, timely and useful proposal, from whatever source it may come.

The Government is deeply convinced that all who are upright and patriotic in our country will firmly unite themselves around the Fatherland Front and will take an active part in implementing its programme.

The right and salutary cause of the Fatherland Front will prevail!

Long live the People's Republic of Bulgaria!

Long live the Fatherland Front!

Long live the Bulgarian people!

WE SHOULD KEEP OUR PROMISES TO THE BULGARIAN PEOPLE

Extracts from the Talk with a Delegation of the Second Plenary Session of the Central Committee of Democratic Youth

November 30, 1946

The efforts of the youth are portentous. In my previous greetings to youth I have had occasion to emphasize the tremendous, exceedingly important role played by our youth in the building of our people's republic. As you know, the Government and I myself, as its President, expect a great deal from our youth. I hold the view that it is not right to say, as people are usually in the habit of saying, that the future belongs to youth, meaning that youth is now studying and preparing itself for a nearer or more distant future. The future belongs to it,' say many. This is true, but not altogether. It is not enough that only the future should belong to youth. In my opinion, the present should also belong to our democratic, patriotic, industrious youth. This implies a combination of two things: all-round preparation of our youth for the future, and work in the present; participation in our current general reconstruction endeavour. Youth should always combine its studies, its efforts to improve its qualification at the university, factory and workshop with constructive work right now, in the present period.

A great drawback, inherited from the former reactionary and fascist regimes, consists in the fact that the older generations have a condescending attitude to youth; they do not trust it enough, they are afraid of it, and do not give it a chance to go ahead. I still see that in our offices,

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 278 November 29, 1946

G. Dimitrov, Works vol. 12, pp. 412-428 Published by BCP, 1954

3-677

when we propose a capable and properly trained young man for an important post, people say that he is still too young and will not have the necessary authority. 'Give us an older man', they say. This is a wrong attitude.

We of the generation which are now leading executives should renew the state apparatus and the social organizations all along the line to such a degree that most of the posts shall be filled by young people who are devoted to our nation. Their new jobs will teach them, their higher responsibilities will give them greater confidence in their forces and faculties and they will develop so much the better. All our capable and honest young people should find a place and an open road, should be given right of way. But the corrupt, putrid youth, the various socialite vamps and go-getters as you call them, should be swept with a broom. Such youth cannot be entrusted with anything, because it can only be of harm to our people. Fortunately, our hundreds of thousands of young people in town and village are not go-getters, but people who !ove their country and are ready to do their best for its prosperity.

The decisions which you have made and the pledges of the builders of the Hainboaz Pass and of our young comrades who were in Yugoslavia are great obligations. I read a policy declaration at the Grand National Assembly which is well-known to you. I must tell you that when I was writing this declaration, I thought for hours and hours. We should fulfil all that we say to our people, keep all that we promise; every word should become a living fact. We should not assume obligations and make promises, if we do not intend to keep them. We should be honest and tell people the truth about the things we are doing or planning to do. Just as the Government and the Fatherland Front are resolved to fulfil what they have promised in the Government's declaration, and have begun to act on it, I believe that when you make such promises and assume such obligations you should be firmly resolved to fulfil them whatever may happen, at the cost of all sacrifices, hard work and efforts.

A great many concrete little examples could be given to show us to what extent we in Bulgaria suffer from the lack of a system, from wastage, bureaucracy and a superficial, formal attitude to the needs of the people. Let us take a single example. We do not know the value of time, and this is a harmful Oriental heritage. A meeting or conference is scheduled for seven or eight o'clock, but is actually opened an hour and a half later. Those who are more punctual come and sit down and waste their time waiting. Time is a very important thing. It represents a great capital. It is not in vain that the British say: 'Time is money'. We, and especially you in the youth organization, should launch a campaign for discipline and punctuality. Meetings, congresses, conferences and entertainments should begin as a rule at the precise hour for which they are scheduled. You should pose this question for public discussion throughout the country and you will see that we shall get much better results from the efforts we put into our work. If this is done in every district, you will see what progress we can make in one single year.

I congratulate our youth on the programme it has worked out for the winter, for construction work in the spring and for certain new undertakings. Besides wishing it to fulfil their initiatives by all means, so that they may not remain a dead letter, I should like to suggest another initiative, which I believe to be very important for our economy and our agriculture in particular. As you know, many of the forests in our country have been destroyed. There are many barren, and deforested regions, even in the vicinity of Sofia. Why doesn't our youth join hands with the Government, with the Ministry of Agriculture in particular, to organize a nation-wide afforestation campaign, especially in regions which are extremely bare and torrents during heavy rains devastate numerous sections which could be well used otherwise. Thus in a few years we shall have more pine and beech and more rainfall; we shall have more moisture and our fields and agricultural production will be much better. I am convinced that our young men

and women will do this job zealously, under the proper guidance of agronomists and other specialists.

At the same time, you will be faced by a number of other initiatives. But even these which you have mapped out yourselves, will bring our people's republic a great benefit from our democratic youth.

As I have already said on another occasion, we look upon our youth as the vanguard of the Fatherland Front. This is not a mere phrase, it should be made a fact! It means that in the fields of political, social and cultural life, and especially in the economic field, youth should be in the front ranks as a real vanguard. I would like to stress without any exaggeration that the Fatherland Front programme, and the declaration of the new Government in particular, will be fulfilled with success, if we have the active participation and assistance of our democratic youth in town and village - workers, peasants, students, our entire youth.

In this train of thought, I thank you for the greetings and wish you strength, good health, sober minds, firm will, and the best of success for the benefit of our young people's republic! This is the best way to tame and do away with our home enemies, and the best way to keep our foreign enemies at a respectful distance. Thus we shall guarantee our own national future and gain higher international prestige. We are a small nation, but we should have the ambition to be great in spirit. The smaller a nation, I should say, the harder it should try to be strong in national spirit and creative work. Big nations and countries can boast of big territories, big material culture, and so on. Unfortunately, we cannot boast of such things, but we can compete with them and even surpass some of them if we increase our moral force, our national spirit - powerful and invincible, if we have firm confidence in our own future. No one can do us harm, if we join hands to guard our own home together and build our own people's republic. Some may try to stand in our way and undermine our efforts, but

I feel confident that we shall hold out and finally reach prosperity, reach national grandeur.

I shall not speak of interior difficulties and of the clamorous opposition we have. They are a temporary occurrence. It has rightly been said, that it is your duty now to win over a large part of the young people who have erroneously voted for candidates of the opposition, because of embitterment or personal dissatisfaction. We shall have other elections next year and then there will be a rising tide towards the Fatherland Front and democratic youth. But this compels us to work - work harder and harder. You young people should become shock workers at factories and in the fields, leading pupils at the schools! Cheers for our shock workers.

Unfortunately I shall not be able to attend your plenary session, although I would very much like to do so. But I beg you to convey my greetings and heartfelt wishes for fruitful work and still further successes to the good of our country.

Narodna Mladezh, No. 83 December 7, 1946

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 12, pp. 430-435 Published by the BCP. 1954

PRIVATE TRADE AND INDUSTRY STAND IN NEED OF PARTIAL REFORM^^2^^

Talk with Members of the Association of Bulgarian Merchants

organizational experience of businessmen. I am pretty sure that there will be branches in our nation's trade where our businessmen - capable, honest and experienced organizers - will remain as directors and managers of certain state, municipal, co-operative or public enterprises, and where they will enjoy a far better financial and social status than they do now, worried as they are, day in and day out, over how to make both ends meet, living in perpetual insecurity about the morrow and hence in moral and physical torment.

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I will ask you, the organized merchants - since it is you who are directly concerned and since you are far better versed in these matters than many of our bureaucratic civil servants in this government apparatus - to seriously consider and discuss among yourselves in which branches of the economy the private sector should be allowed greater initiative than hitherto, in which branches it should be consolidated, so that you need not worry about the morrow, and in which branches, as well as sectors of trade, private initiative should be restricted or even completely eliminated in the interest of the Bulgarian nation as a whole. You are in a position to do this far better than many bureaucrats in the state apparatus. I would request you to discuss this to your societies and your association as a whole: to study the matter fairly and calmly, waving aside narrow, private interests and considering not only the present but also the future, for we are living with great prospects for the future, to inform the Government of your final, well-considered opinion as to the branches in which private trade should be developed and those in which, of necessity, as a result of our economic policy, it should be curtailed. The people now engaged in them should not be allowed to grow despondent, to break down and consider themselves completely superfluous, but should be helped by us all to promptly find a job in another field, where their work and consequently their own and their children's future will be guaranteed. Thus many problems which

January 27, 1947

The difficulty and complexity of the tasks facing the Government arise from the circumstance that both it and the Fatherland Front have to coordinate national and public interests with private interests. You know that our guiding principle is to bring about a coordination that will safeguard national and public interests. In the pursuit of this policy of safeguarding national and public interests, not only for the present but for the future as well, not only for our generation but also for our children, certain private interests will have to be sacrificed. This is unavoidable, and every sensible person, as well as every businessman in our country must understand it and take it in good grace - he must do so, for there simply is no alternative. A certain reform of private trade and industry is called for in order to achieve this coordination of national and public interests with the private interests of our merchants and other businessmen.

I do not consider it to be in the interests of our state and our people, for instance, to let the food supply, the restaurants, hotels, etc., remain in the hands of private business for long. You must realize that whatever concerns the health of the people, whatever directly affects national interests, must gradually pass under the control of the state which on its part ought to make good use of the

have been a source of terrible anxiety for you, will be solved.

As to equality and competition on equal terms between the private and the public sector, absolute equality is, of course, out of the question. There should be no illusions on that score. State and public enterprises will enjoy a certain priority.

Our task is not to achieve complete equality but to give our businessmen a chance to show their mettle as organizers and to be fairly remunerated.

General statements, idle talk and mere declarations, as well as petulance on your part, will lead nowhere. I consider many of the questions you raised here as quite justified, but they must be put forward in a very concrete manner.

Part of our businessmen, capable organizers as they are, will, I think, have to cease to be businessmen in the future and find their proper place in public, state and other business enterprises, according to their abilities. There are countries, even in the West, where former industrialists and merchants are now directors of state and public enterprises, and are much better off than they were before.

There are certain branches in which, under this system of collaboration and competition with the public and state organizations, private businessmen will remain active and develop their business in the general interest of the people with the co-operation and protection of the state.^^3^^

We are not going to attempt to nationalize private trade in general, because for the time being the state apparatus alone cannot secure the desired results.

That is how matters stand now and how we as government and you as businessmen have to face them.

The same applies to our foreign trade, too.

Part of our foreign trade will indeed be a state monopoly. But I ask you - can't your capable businessmen who have connexions abroad be used in this state monopoly?

We shall give businessmen who are specialists every opportunity and every privilege to carry on export trade in a way that will enable them to live and secure their own and their children's future within the framework of the common interests of our nation's economy and, which is most important, through their connexions abroad and through their abilities to help intensify our foreign trade.

We are now adopting a policy of changing the status of engineers and technicians in our industry and the state apparatus from that of mere employees, as they were hitherto, to a more privileged one securing them higher salaries, certain amenities and chances of advancement. This policy is dictated by the interests of our nation's economy.

The state itself is becoming a manager and businessman in our country. Everyone must get reconciled with this fact. Private initiative must find a place to manifest itself to the full in this system. With people who cling to antiquated views this might seem a bit awkward, but it can't be helped, for the nation's interests cannot be sacrificed to the interests of a few.

I read your paper and realize that your feeling of uncertainty and insecurity in the morrow arises from your failure to properly grasp our economic problems. This cannot go on. It is detrimental not only to yourselves, but also to our state, to our nation's economy. Everything must be clarified and specified.

There is no room for demagogy in this matter. Our Government is not like the former governments. You must realize this. Our actions will not be at variance with our words. What we say, we are going to do, we must and will do, and we will never promise anything that is not feasible. That is why we are calling on all competent categories of men and bodies in the country for co-operation. That is why I pay heed even to the most insignificant telegrams I receive, to all complaints: are they founded on anything real, do they contain any indications or warnings. Quite frequently they do contain valuable indications as to what should be done and what measures should be taken.

That is how matters stand at the root, as the Russians say. We count on your loyal collaboration - in your own interests and in the interests of the general welfare of the people and the progress of our People's Republic.

PRIME CONDITIONS FOR CONSOLIDATING COOPERATIVE FARMS

Speech at the National Conference of Co-operative Farms

G. Dimitrov, Speeches. Reports, Articles Vol. 3, 1947, pp. 492-496

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 21-25 Published by the BCP, 1955

February 4, 1947

Dear Comrades, your first national conference, the National Conference of Co-operative Farms, is an extremely important, exceptional event for our country and particularly for our national economy. For the past four days the Government has been following the course of this conference with the liveliest interest. It expects your decisions, which will be thoroughly examined and given the utmost attention, because the Government attaches historic importance to the co-operative farm movement.

We are happy to state that during the short period of their existence the co-operative farms have achieved positive results and that the pioneers in this great venture are working with rare enthusiasm and patriotism, with all their energy and ability for the success and progress of our young People's Republic.

You realize, of course, that this great venture is still in its early stages. It is difficult, complicated, but it is salutary for our immense rural population, for our country which, through the fault of the dynasty, bourgeoisie and the fascists, is still underdeveloped. Comrades, no more than the foundations have been laid. Upon these foundations we must build with much toil and sweat, and particularly with common sense, organization, labour discipline and proper leadership.

As you know, our co-operative farms suffer from a

number of weaknesses and shortcomings, and many questions are yet clear. Not all is clear with respect to the organizing of co-operative farms, to their management, to their practical growth and development, to their relations with private peasants, to labour norms, remunerations, and so on and so forth. I was gratified to note, and I wish to state it here, that the conference, far from closing its eyes to these weaknesses, shortcomings and inclarity in the life of co-operative farming, far from attempting to gloss them over and to pretend that things get on finely, as some overenthusiasts are prone to do, soberly and seriously puts its finger on the sore, discusses these weaknesses and shortcomings and strives, to the best of its abilities, forces and experience, to find ways and means of speeding up the elimination and overcoming of these weaknesses, shortcomings and inclarity in the development and activity of the co-operative farms.

At present the task is to consolidate the existing co-operative farms and to start organizing new ones but only after most painstaking preparatory work and thorough investigation of the prevailing local conditions and possibilities. The task is to find and apply those conditions which, within a minimum of time, are most conducive to strengthening the already existing co-operative farms. There are many such conditions. Among these the most important are the following:

1. The principle ofvoluntariness in joining co-operative farms should be observed most strictly and consistently. No material or moral coercion whatsoever should be allowed in this respect, because you, co-operative farmers and co-operative farming in general, will derive no benefit at all if 10,20, 30 or more farmers, compelled to join co-operative farms, do so reluctantly, without conviction. In the best case they will be a burden and will hamper co-operative farming while in many cases they might turn into wreckers who undermine this useful venture from within.

2. The members of co-operative farms should be educated in a spirit of labour friendship and mutual aid. Owing to the

traditional private cultivation of land - everyone for himself and everyone against the others, we have inherited far too much individualism, lack of labour co-operation and personal egoism in agriculture. But co-operative farming demands friendship, understanding, joint labour and mutual aid. The sick co-operative farmer cannot work as hard as the others - he must be helped. Friendship and assistance are necessary so that all co-operative farmers may produce, to the best of their forces and abilities, and make their contribution to the common cause of cooperative fanning so as to enable also the sick and less able-bodied farmer to get more goods, more produce and to have better material, moral and cultural standards.

3. The honest, devoted and tenacious labour of every cooperative farmer. A co-operative farm of a hundred members with, say, 25 loafers and ne'er-do-wells who do not like to work and prefer to hand around in saloons, cannot prosper. Such people sap the foundations of their cooperative farm, causing harm to themselves and to their families. Every co-operative farmer should work honestly, devotedly and tenaciously.

4. A proprietary and loyal attitude towards the co-operative farm. The co-operative farmers must treat the property, produce, inventory and all other assets of the co-operative farm as they would treat their own property, even better. A proprietary, loving attitude towards everything that belongs to the co-operative farm is necessary.

You should know that there is one very serious means to cure weaknesses and shortcomings in the work of cooperative farms - criticism and self-criticism. In Bulgaria people are not too fond of self-criticism, nor do they care much for criticism. When criticized, they take it the wrong way and get offended, and they dislike to criticize themselves, to see, to admit and to correct their mistakes and weaknesses. We must know, however, that in the field of economic activity we cannot advance without a critical attitude towards ourselves and others, towards our weaknesses and shortcomings. Criticism and self-criticism are the most powerful motor of all

progress and development, provided of course the criticism is positive and constructive, not tendentious, personal and factious, provided it promotes and helps improve the work of the co-operative farm in every sector. A hearty, constructive criticism which does not pursue personal ends, which does not skin the flint, as they say, but gives impetus to cooperative farming in general and to each of its members in particular.

The problem of cadres is of particular importance for the development and consolidation of our young co-operative farms.

You have dealt here quite extensively with this question. A great body of dedicated and experienced cadres are necessary, as well as managers of co-operative farms and, as a rule, they should be their chairmen, not the agronomists. The co-operative farm should, according to me, be managed by a responsible, elected chairman. The good agronomist, who knows his field and place, should be the right hand of the co-operative farm chairman. The training of chairmen, managers and agronomists, many of whom have but a limited knowledge of the complexity of the problems facing co-operative farms, is an extremely important and urgent task.

Team leaders, without whom any organized and productive labour is impossible, are necessary. Accountants for the co-operative farms' bookkeeping are particularly needed. No order is possible without bookkeeping. Without good bookkeeping there will be no confidence in the co-operative members that everything is allright in the farm. Without bookkeeping no control on the work done, of the funds, stock and distribution of produce is possible. The role of the accountant in co-operative farms is exceptionally important.

Tractor-drivers are also necessary. We know from experience that a considerable part of our tractors have been damaged, because people do not know how to operate them. I know of a case when a brand-new, excellent tractor exploded and went to the dogs, because of the driver's lack of skill.

Special courses for training co-operative farm chairmen, accountants, team-leaders, tractor-drivers and agronomists should, I feel, be set up with the assistance of the corresponding state and other bodies. Our Faculty of Agronomy and the agricultural schools should lend a helping hand in this respect. A chair of co-operative farming should be established at the University. Our agricultural schools must pay greater heed to this big venture, make it a subject of study and train the necessary cadres. The students should be well trained for work in cooperative farms, as well.

As regards the question of cadres, I would like to stress particularly that the leaders of our co-operative farms should promote more boldly talented, devoted and capable youths who are eager to learn, but, of course, not such youths who think they know everything and look down on people. Such young cadres should be promoted as much as possible; they should be helped to acquire practical experience and with their skill, intelligence, youthful ardour robust health and inexhaustible energy to push cooperative farming ahead.

The role of women, of housewives in co-operative farms, is particularly important. I must tell you that though I deal with these questions, I was amused to learn in connection with your national conference that the wife of a cooperative farmer is not a member of the farm. She is not a member because she is his wife. She takes part in meetings, but has no right to cast a vote. Why, may I ask? Why is such an important force, as women are generally in Bulgaria and particularly in co-operative farms, deprived of the possibility to take a full-fledged part in the life of the cooperative farms,when quite frequently women understand farm work better than men? Usually they have a keener eye, notice better certain shortcomings and have a finer flair, scenting in time what has begun to rot but is not yet rotten. We know that in our peasant families, especially in our former patriarchal communities, and even now, the old grandmother is the principal adviser in the farmstead and

often she is the boss. She may sometimes get beaten by her old man - unfortunately there are still such cases in Bulgaria, but when the time comes for important work - what to sow, how to sow it and what to produce, what to plough and when to plough it, and what and how to sell - then he calls the grandmother to take council with her. This is not by chance. No law impels the peasant to do this. Formerly women enjoyed no equal rights with men as nowadays, but their experience and need compel men to seek their advice, because most women are better household managers than many men, who like to hag around in saloons, to drink and to discuss `high-flown' foreign politics. The statements of the housewives Maria Doushkova, Dobra Popova, Raina Spassova_:and others, at your conference, confirm what I say. I particularly appeal to the managers of our co-operative farms on their return, to place this question on the agenda with all due seriousness, to discuss it, to help the women to work still more actively and to try to attract as many women as possible - economic and constructive forces in the field of cooperative farming.

One of the great and important problems of our cooperative farms is their mutual relations with the private farmers who, as you know, for the time being constitute the great majority in our country. The policy of our Government is to help these farmers to increase their produce and to improve their material and cultural standards. There should be no hostility between co-operative farms and individual peasants. Up to now, however, it exists in many places. Relations between co-operative farms and individual peasants should be normalized, should become good and friendly; this is an urgent task awaiting solution. It is not enough just to make propaganda, to explain the great importance of our co-operative farming. We should do this without fail, but more important yet, we should establish, so to speak, a productive collaboration between cooperative farms and private farmers. How can this be done in a village, in a region? In many ways. In practice the proper

means should be found in accordance with local conditions. For example, the co-operative farm has a tractor. Why not place this tractor at the disposal of the private farmers so that they need not plough their fields with a prehistoric wooden plough or with an ordinary plough? They "can pay the co-operative farm something, they can come to an agreement on this. The private farmer will be greatly relieved by this. The same goes for agronomical assistance. For example, the co-operative farm has an agronomist; let him advise private farmers, too. The experience accumulated by co-operative farms should be shared with private farmers. There are other similar ways which could be used as, for example, certain cultural undertakings organized by co-operative farms, such as working and evening parties, concerts, cinemas, etc. The cooperative farm should become a centre of such contacts with the remaining private farmers; organizing productive collaboration in such a manner as to increase the produce both of the co-operative farm and the private farmers, which will be of general benefit to our national economy. Is this possible? Yes, it is quite possible. Of course, there are malicious opponents who will try to throw a monkey wrench in the works, there are incorrigible village sharks who will not remain inactive, but all this will be overcome, if co-operated and private farmers go ahead hand-in-hand. When you work that way, and when the co-operative farms become ever more consolidated and yield more produce, when they improve the material and cultural standards of their members, of the whole village region, etc., then ever more private farmers will realize that cooperative farming is in their interest and finally will^make up their mind to join the co-operative farms. Thus,' hundreds of thousands of farmers will gradually join the cooperative farms, because no sensible person - and our peasants are sensible by nature and most of them are endowed with a good deal of common sense - shuns what is good. If our peasant sees that this venture is good, he will embrace it quickly and with enthusiasm, because it is to his

4-677

benefit, to the benefit of his family and the future of his people.

The state helps and will promote the consolidation and development of co-operative farms. But it should be kept in mind that this help has its limits, because the state has to implement, with the assistance and participation of our people, an economic Two-Year Plan which provides for the industrialization and electrification of our country. And industrialization and electrification are useful to the cooperative farms themselves and to the whole rural population.

Secondly, I am against giving our co-operative farms pecuniary assistance at random, for another important reason as well. If they get accustomed to live on state subsidy, they will not develop independently, they will not be able to stand on their own feet. They must rely, above all, on their own forces, labour, enthusiasm and heroism. Allow me to make a comparison. Why is Bulgaria so backward industrially? Ask yourselves why our country is so underdeveloped. Because, insofar as the ruling Bulgarian bourgeoisie developed industry up to September 9, it did so at the expense of the state, i. e. at the expense of the people; it created state-subsidized industrial enterprises which were often appendages of foreign capital. Our former rulers were not interested in creating a sound national industry. They preferred to enrich themselves quickly by plundering the fruits of the people's labour as brokers and agents of foreign capitalist firms. If we were to follow in these steps in our co-operative farms, we would have a certain parasitical existence. In such case the cooperative farms would not have deep, strong economic roots and would not be able to develop their own forces and particularities, and to utilize all local resources as is necessary. I therefore recommend and insistently advise: endeavour to make the co-operative farms worthy collaborators of our new, people's state in building up Bulgaria's economy using state aid within limits and wisely and relying primarily on your own forces.

I am afraid I am taking up your time, but since your conference is in session on the eve of the signing of the Peace Treaty, allow me to say just a few words on this question.

As you know, on February 10 the Peace Treaty is to be signed in Paris. The signing of the Peace Treaty will settle definitely our country's postwar international status. This is the positive and main thing the Peace Treaty provides. I will not deal at length with the significance of the Peace Treaty's signing for our country. Each of you understands that a stage of our development in this respect is coming to an end and that brighter prospects for a new more favourable and more secure development of our nationa¹ economy will open up.

The Peace Treaty contains also a number of harsh terms, harsh clauses, as they call them. In this connexion the Government instructed its delegation in Paris to make a declaration to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the four Great Powers, stating the point of view of the Bulgarian people on these harsh clauses. This declaration has been published, and probably you all know it. The Peace Treaty contains indeed harsh clauses, but any sensible person understands that the terms of the Peace Treaty might have been a hundred times, if not more, harsher than they actually are, had it not been for the Fatherland Front. They would have been quite unbearable, perilous for our people, had it not been for the resistance movement organized by the Fatherland Front during the war had it not been for the invaluable assistance of the Soviet Union and the historic September 9, had it not been for the participation of the new Bulgaria in the war against nazi Germany. Had it not been, comrades for our correct, democratic, peace-loving, foreign policy, consistently pursued by the Fatherland Front, Bulgaria's situation might have had the present plight of Germany. We should thank the Fatherland Front, that the Peace Treaty, in spite of its harsh clauses, is not as disastrous as the enemies of Bulgaria laboured for.

We should thank the Fatherland Front that Bulgaria

does not share the plight of Germany, ruined, dismembered and with an uncertain future. Of course, if the Coburgs, our Bulgarian bourgeoisie and the Bulgarian fascists had not driven Bulgaria into the claws of Hitler, if Bulgaria had joined the United Nations during the war - we would have taken part as an allied country, like Yugoslavia and the other nations, in the postwar settlement of world peace and would not have been exposed to bear such burdens. It is known who bears the guilt, the historical guilt and responsibility. Under these conditions, it is obvious how unworthy and unscrupulous is the conduct of the opposition leaders, who strive to gloss and conceal the responsibility of the Coburgs, the bourgeoisie and the fascists for the harsh clauses of the Peace Treaty and to switch it onto the Fatherland Front.

The task now, comrades, is not to complain that the Peace Treaty clauses are so harsh, but to work diligently for their mitigation and least painful overcoming in applying the treaty. Three conditions are necessary for this. First: strong national unity under the banner of the Fatherland Front. Second: consistent and firm pursuit of our correct democratic and peaceable foreign policy. And third: ensuring all prerequisites for the constructive work of the people and for the building up and prospering of our People's Republic.

Congratulating you on behalf of the Government and on behalf of myself, on behalf of the Workers' Party ( Communists) and on behalf of the whole Fatherland Front I wish you fruitful work, labour discipline, soberness and common sense in applying practical measures in your activity, and love, love of our beloved country.

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 29 February 6, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 48-61 Published by the BCP, 1955

OUR PARTY'S FORESIGHT HAS BEEN BRILLIANTLY BORNE OUT

Speech before the Sofia District Party Conference

February 24, 1947

Comrades,

I need not tell you how much I regret my inability to attend the District Party Conference from beginning to end, and especially to hear the discussions and their findings both positive and negative. But insofar as I am generally informed, you will allow me to dwell on certain problems only.

As you know, the chief concern of the Fatherland Front, the Government, the people and especially of our Party has been hitherto to settle at long last our country's international status so that we might go ahead with assurance and unwaveringly to secure the progress of the Bulgarian nation.

In this respect, there were many difficulties and obstacles on our way. But today I can tell you, in my capacity as member of the Central Committee of our Party and as Prime Minister of Bulgaria, that these difficulties and obstacles have been overcome. On February 10 Bulgaria signed a peace treaty with the United Nations in Paris. Actually, right after the signing of the treaty the Bulgarian Government was recognized de facto by the two Great Powers which had refrained from recognizing it till then. This was naturally followed by a de jure recognition of our Government, of our Fatherland Front, on the part of Great Britain. Bulgaria, the new Bulgaria of the Fatherland Front,

now enjoys on the whole a settled international status. That is why, after signing the Peace Treaty in Paris, the Bulgarian Government took the liberty of claiming the right to he heard and to be given a chance to defend its just and lawful demands at the signing of a peace treaty with Germany. Since Bulgaria took an active and effective part in the war of liberation against fascism from September 1944 until its conclusion, we are now entitled to put forward claims to a corresponding share of reparations to be paid by Germany as indemnity to Bulgaria.

One stage in our development has been concluded. Now the Fatherland Front, the Government and our Party in particular are focusing their attention on the rehabilitation of the country, on the utilization of all natural, financial and human resources of the nation. As you know, a two-year state economic plan has been drawn up. Its first reading has already taken place at the Grand National Assembly. Its second reading will take place on March 11. After the first reading, the bill of the state economic plan will again be discussed with the voters of every constituency, with outstanding economic and other workers, with a view to introducing further improvements, amendments and additions. I am deeply gratified that the Sofia District Party Conference has found the plan not only necessary and desirable, but also feasible. There have always been and there will always be doubting Thomases. There will always be waverers, but the sound, the viable part of our nation, viz. the working class, the peasantry and the majority of the intelligentsia are no waverers. They have faith in the powers of our people, they have faith in the strength of our land, they have faith in the subsoil wealth and resources of our young republic and are convinced that, given the necessary efforts and energy, firm will and devotion, this economic plan will settle and stabilize the nation's economic situation, just as our international status has been settled and stabilized. There can be no doubt that along this road, too, we shall encounter many difficulties and obstacles. But there are no difficulties which bolsheviks are

unable to surmount. There are no difficulties in our country which cannot be surmounted by our people, who have taken their destinies in their own hands and who are building, working and living for their own selves and for their children and not for parasites, spongers and moneygrabbers.

We are well aware that mere enthusiasm and cheers cannot build dams, construct new railway-lines and erect new factories and plants. But without enthusiasm, without this flame in our hearts, nothing of value can be created either.

The subjective factor plays a decisive role. What is the subjective factor in our country? It is the Fatherland Front - the heart, the brains, the motive force, the iron will, incarnated first and foremost by our glorious Workers' Party (Communists). This subjective factor must be reliable. On it depends to a great extent the implementation of the economic plan and our country's steady all-round advance.

At this point I should like to draw your attention to a problem of particular importance. It is the problem of cadres. You inay have many men, good people, much enthusiasm, but unless you have reliable cadres, you cannot obtain good and lasting results. What we need are devoted and capable cadres! That is why all our Party, from the Central Committee down to the smallest Party unit - the cell, should at the present moment put the question of cadres in the foreground in their inner Party life.

First, it is necessary that the cadres now available, those at the disposal of the Party, in the political, propagandist, cultural or economic fields (including engineers, agronomists, architects and others) should as far as possible be better distributed and placed in positions where they will be able to apply the maximum of their forces and abilities for the implementation of our economic plan. In casting a glance at the present distribution of cadres, can we say that the now available Fatherland Front and Party cadres are fully and most rationally engaged and utilized? No, we can't say that I At every step we find people un-

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suitably employed. I come across striking cases of this almost every day. I was looking at the staff employed at one of our legations and what did I find? The chancellor is an architect and the interpreter - an engineer! There they are sitting quietly in their quiet refuge, performing the duties of chancellor and interpreter. There are numerous similar cases inside the country. How many are the engineers who are not in their proper place I How many are the agronomists, architects, constructors who are not being utilized in their own profession, in their own calling! There may be many ways to explain this scandalous situation, but none to justify it, none whatever.

Secondly, there is the question of increasing our cadres of their training and promotion. Cadres are trained not only at the university and the other educational institutions. They can and should be trained in every other way possible. But do we pay enough attention to the promotion of technicians and instructors, foremen and skilled workers from among those directly engaged in industry or agriculture? Scores and hundreds, nay thousands, of our shock-workers could become excellent technicians, foremen, engineers and agronomists in one, two or three years' time, men closely linked to the people, at that. The state, the public organizations and especially the Party, which plays the leading role in our country, should take all possible measures to increase the number of competent cadres from among workers devoted to our people and country, cadres from among those directly engaged in production, who stem from the people, are familiar with their woes and troubles and are ready to face all hardships and sufferings in order to steer the country to a safe shore. In this respect we have no thoroughly discussed proposals. We should be more daring in promoting young, new cadres. Everywhere we hear the same objection: 'But he is too young, he is not yet mature and experienced enough!' But mark my words, many of these young, insufficiently mature, insufficiently experienced men, if properly helped, if placed under favourable conditions, will in a short time

become mature and yet maturer, experienced and yet more experienced and worthy builders of our People's Republic. This doubt, this scepticism, let me call it, with regard to the new and young cadres, to young men and to women, must be done away with in our country. It is an obstacle to the increase of cadres at the pace necessary for our construction. As I have frequently stressed on previous occasions, our young People's Republic must accomplish within 10 to 15 years what it took other countries a hundred-years to accomplish. If we fail to do this, we shall fail to achieve our great ideals as a nation and as a Communist Party.

What we need is re-education of our cadres! Reeducation of our Party and Fatherland Front members!

The ideological and political level of our cadres must be raised. As I have said before, functionaries in responsible positions who behave like autocrats and ride on a high horse in their relations to the population and those around them, as is the case in certain places, should be branded with a red hot iron. Those men have forgotten that they come from the people, that only yesterday they worked shoulder to shoulder with the other workers and peasants. Now that they have become mayors, or bosses or deputies, they turn up their noses.

We must never forget that all of us, big, medium or minor Party functionaries, are servants of the Party and the people and not lords or bosses, before whom everyone is expected to stand at attention. If such lords, such big or petty bosses refuse to listen to reason, they should be removed from their posts and some even expelled from the Party.

Here and there responsible officials have formed a kind of family circle; they work together in perfect harmony but only to conceal each other's failings and errors. We certainly want friendly and harmonious relations among our leading cadres but they must be based on adherence to principle and serve the interests of the Party, the people and the country, not on 'mutual shielding' as the Russians say -1 defend you when you are in the wrong and you defend me when I go astray. If this sort of thing did not exist,

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think of all the mistakes and shortcomings we might have avoided last year! And it is still going on! Such things can no longer be tolerated, they must be purged. I am constantly getting information - reliable information which has been checked and rechecked time and again - that in certain Party organizations our comrades are afraid to criticize - don't, for heaven's sake, start criticizing the leaders, for if you do you are in for trouble! Delegates come to me to inform me of various things but they always end up by asking me, for heaven's sake, not to let their secretary learn about it. What kind of a system is that, what kind of Party ethics and Party discipline is it that does not allow a regular Party member to conscientiously point out some flaw or mistake without being afraid of getting into trouble? Most serious measures should be taken along this line.

We must remember that without criticism and selfcriticism no one in our country, no matter how clever he may be, can progress. Nor can the people develop as a people and as a nation without constant criticism and selfcriticism, unless all that is sound and correct is encouraged and all that is unsound, rotten and incorrect is mercilessly flayed. That is precisely why criticism and self-criticism are so valuable. During the present period, most serious attention should be paid to the ideological and political education of the entire Party, but first and foremost, I must say, of the cadres from top to bottom, from the top functionary to the lowest.

Mark this: almost all our predictions about our nation's development have been brilliantly borne out. We declared that the elections set for November 18, 1945 would be held. In spite of and contrary to the claims of our internal and external enemies, the elections did take place. We said that the monarchy would be abolished and a people's republic established - and that, too, happened. We also said that a Grand National Assembly would be elected to draw up and adopt a new constitution - that, too, was carried out. Did we not declare that despite all hostility to the Fatherland Front manifested abroad and at home, it would be

recognized and its Government would conclude a peace treaty and win de jure recognition? All that is an accomplished fact. Why did everything happen as it did? Why did all the things proclaimed by the opposition leaders fail so miserably? We, Marxist-Leninist communists, cannot be quite infallible, but what is it that allows us, that allows our Party to determine and foretell the course of events? It is, as you all know, the great, invincible teaching of Marx and Lenin, the great science of Marxism-Leninism. For when the political sky became clouded and there was thunder and lightning, all those who did not make use of this great doctrine, this compass, this beacon which illumines the road of mankind's development, began to tremble, exclaiming: 'The Fatherland Front is lost, the communists are lost, everything is lost!' But we who had that compass which enables us scientifically to analyze social developments and the balance of forces, and to foresee the course that events are going to take, we were quite at ease, we had no fear for we knew that after the rain there would be sunshine, that after the storm there would be a pleasant calm in the sky, as well as on earth.

Proceeding from our scientific analysis of the relations between the world's Great Powers and small nations, we knew that no foreign intervention was possible at that moment, and we were therefore quite calm. We knew then and we know now that the differences between the Great Powers, unpleasant as they are, though quite natural, would not lead to war. That is why we remained qufte calm when threatened with a new war and with intervention in our foreign and home policy. In the meantime the opposition leaders deluded themselves with hopes of foreign intervention and war! The entire policy and tactics of the opposition leaders were built on sand, that is why they now look as if they had been knocked over the head. I must say that some of our allies, too - loyal comrades in the struggle before and after September 9 - were often alarmed. Time and again I had to assure them that there

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was nothing to worry about. Come, let us all work together, I said, and everything will be all right. And sometimes I would advise them: study Marxism, for a knowledge of it will save you much anxiety and trepidation, it will allow you to sleep peacefully whenever something unpleasant is beginning to loom over your heads. For our Party, as you are well aware, Marxism-Leninism is that beacon which makes clear to us the course events are going to take. It is as necessary to us as the bread we eat and the air we breathe. Naturally, it is not sufficient to learn by heart passages from the works of Marx and Lenin. Among us there are such prigs and pedants who do that, who repeat and quote their statements whether the occasion calls for it or not, just to show how learned they are, how well versed in the great Marxist teaching.

What we need is to grasp the meaning, the essence of that teaching. Some Marxists have never read all the works of the classics of Marxism, but only a part; however, the most essential part. And they have not merely read it, but have mastered it and have learned to apply it in their practical, Party and construction work everywhere. Marxism must be grasped in essence and applied for practical and immediate purposes, in the struggle against the enemy, in defence of our victory of September 9, of our freedom and national independence, and in the building up of the People's Republic.

When speaking of cadres, we must touch upon yet another problem. Our Party, which is composed of workers, peasants, craftsmen and progressive intellectuals, should seriously consider yet another circumstance, viz. that the majority of our cadres, especially of our Party workers, have been under a constant physical and nervous strain ever since September 9. We need not dwell upon what they passed through before September 9 as partisans, underground workers, political and concentration camp prisoners, experiences which have affected their nervous system and their general health. Watching our people at the conferences and meetings that I have attended and

judging by information I get from the provinces, I come to the conclusion that, unless the Party takes serious measures to prevent it, a part of our cadres, probably a very considerable part, will, within a short period, lose much of their capacity for work, while the others will become invalids. Of course, the Party cannot allow half of its functionaries a prolonged holiday at the same time to give them a chance to rest or take a cure, etc. That is of course impossible. Everyone must work like a shock-worker. But we must find another way out. It is necessary and possible to allow short holidays to individual Party workers in turn. Another way of unburdening them is by improving the organization of our work, of our leading bodies, by making their activity less time-consuming through the elimination of unnecessary or lengthy meetings, so that the local Party secretaries and functionaries may be relieved. Their great burden will be relieved if their work is rationalized as it is in industry where productivity is raised but not at the cost of the workers.

Let us now proceed further. Certain coordinated measures must be taken to improve the material and cultural standards of our cadres. We cannot afford to give them high salaries, just as we could not provide for any great rise in the salaries of our state employees in the new salary scale. But the Party and our public institutions must find a way to improve the material and cultural standard of living of those leading and active functionaries of the Party and the Fatherland Front who are working for the people and not for their own personal welfare, to improve it in a way that will secure their health and capacity for work.

I am talking about honest and dedicated workers. As to those who don't belong to that category and who have managed to advance through devious and roundabout ways, they should be purged from the Party. No general remedy can be recommended here, no general decision of the Central Committee can be taken, but such a course is absolutely necessary. Everywhere, in accordance with con-

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crete local conditions, organized care must be taken to preserve our cadres' health, capacity for work and stamina. The present situation can no longer be tolerated - one after the other our people fall ill, tuberculosis is on the increase and so are nervous and other disorders among our cadres, and more and more people are losing their capacity for work. Things cannot go on that way, especially now that we must proceed with the implementation of the great national economic development plan.

I should like to conclude with a warning, so as not to keep you any longer. There are people in our country, and in the Party, too, who think that now that the peace treaty has been concluded and we have been, so to say, recognized and our international status settled, we can take things easy and serenely devote ourselves to our everyday tasks. This is not quite true. The top crust of the opposition has lost its footing and is in a process of decomposition. But there are certain reactionaries who may be inclined to resort to desperate actions precisely because they feel they have gone bankrupt. Hitherto their policy towards the Fatherland Front has been one of frontal attack, they have been trying to take the fortress of the people's unity by storm. Now that this course has proved impracticable and quite unpromising, they are going to adopt and, as I have been informed, are already adopting the tactics and policy of the Trojan horse - if you cannot take the fortress by a frontal attack, try and take it from the inside, as the ancient Greeks did by means of the Trojan horse.

We have to be no less vigilant now than we were before the signing of the peace treaty. In this respect we must take steps against the attempts at infiltration into the Fatherland Front and into our Party itself of demoralizing elements who might try to employ the tactics of the Trojan horse. Now more than ever we must keep our eyes open in every Party organization, because the danger for us, for our Party and for the Fatherland Front no longer comes from the outside. No! The danger, in so far as it may exist, comes

from within, from the seeds of decay within the Fatherland Front itself and its parties, including our own Party. That is why, we must be firm in denouncing every manifestation of moral laxity, careerism and other pernicious trends, we must do our utmost to strengthen our Party organizations. Steps in this direction have to be taken by the Party, by the government, by the army, by all cultural, educational and public organizations along all lines.

Finally, after a conference like the one you are now holding, at which certain flaws and shortcomings in our work are subjected to criticism and self-criticism and at which a resolution is taken determining the plan of our work as a Party organization, we should explain to all Party organizations, especially in the villages, what is to be done and what steps are to be taken to remove those flaws and shortcomings. You must remember that in the present setup many people will want to join the Party. Marry people want to creep in and find, so to say, a shelter for themselves and a screen for their personal aims and interests within the ranks of the Party. I have stressed it in the Central Committee and I should like to stress it now - don't admit people from other parties into our Party indiscriminately though they may swear to have become communists and to be desirous of joining our ranks. Let them be communists and work for the Party, we shall be grateful to them for it, but don't admit them for at least one year. Our Party has no need of unreliable people. Exceptions may be made in individual cases, for those who have proved through their deeds that they are communists. We need no chance newcomers. In my opinion we should even get rid of such newcomers or fake communists rather than admit new ones.

Comrades,

I wish you the best of success in implementing the decisions of this conference and appeal to you to get down to work, to earnest, hard, constructive work for the fulfilment of the economic plan in the first place, so that when

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we meet again at next year's district conference, we may congratulate ourselves on new great achievements, achievements which will take our people a few steps further towards the realization of the greatest ideal of the peoples towards socialism.

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 49 March I, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 81-95 Published by the BCP, 1955

LET US FULFIL THE TWO-YEAR ECONOMIC PLAN May Day Address

The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria most heartily congratulates all Bulgarian citizens, all men, women and youths engaged in physical or intellectual work, on the occasion of the great day of labour and of international proletarian solidarity - May Day.

This year our nation is celebrating May Day by mustering all its forces and resources, so as to implement the Two-Year Economic Development Plan, which is the chief guarantee for the independence and national sovereignty of our young People's Republic.

The labour enthusiasm which has now gripped the whole nation and, above all, the working class with its numerous shock-workers, as well as our glorious democratic youth, and the results of the May Day emulation are a clear enough proof that the economic plan can be fulfilled and that it will be fulfilled for the good of our country and in spite of its enemies at home and abroad.

The Fatherland Front and the Government are well aware of the difficulties which may be encountered during the implementation of the economic plan. These difficulties have been aggravated by the consequences of the last two years of drought. But the Fatherland Front and the Government are profoundly convinced that these difficulties will be overcome with the joint efforts of the whole people and the friendly assistance of the nations friendly to us.

In accordance with its declaration of November 28, 1946, the Government is going to rapidly expand

5-677

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economic, cultural and political co-operation with all democratic states, big or small, and especially with our two-fold liberator, the mighty Soviet Union, as well as to speed up the preparations for concluding lasting treaties of friendship and mutual aid with fraternal Yugoslavia, with our northern neighbour Romania and with Czechoslovakia and Poland in the first place. This will safeguard the freedom, independence and sovereignty of the People's Republic of Bulgaria against any encroachments from whatever quarter these may come. Our people trust that the victory of democracy in Greece, too, will make it possible to establish good-neighbourly relations between our two countries and will contribute to consolidating fraternal co-operation among the Balkan Nations.

Our people are deeply gratified by the fact that thousands of voters who supported the opposition in the elections for the Grand National Assembly are now beginning to co-operate with the Fatherland Front and are actively joining in the all-round efforts for the implementation of the economic plan. But they also see with indignation how certain circles are doing their best to discredit the economic plan, to wreck its implementation, and to sow distrust and confusion in all possible ways through their press and from the rostrum of the Grand National Assembly by spreading various intrigues and slanders, by rumour-mongering and by threatening the country with foreign intervention.

It goes without saying that we would be betraying our nation's supreme interests and future if we were to allow a minority of big profiteers and coupon-clippers, old bankrupt politicians and embittered political careerists and provocateurs to hinder and destroy the great constructive work of the whole people for the sake of their own selfish and venal interests and of considerations and schemes quite alien to the people. It is not for this that the people won their historic victory of September 9 at the cost of such a hard struggle and so many sacrifices.

Carrying out the will of the people and relying on their

mighty support, the Government is firmly resolved to nip in the bud all anti-popular and treacherous activities. All overt and covert wreckers of the economic plan, all plotters against the people's role and its peaceful democratic foreign policy, irrespective of their rank or social status, will experience the just severity of the laws of the People's Republic.

Gone are the sad days when our country was a satellite of foreign imperialist powers, when it served as a springboard for attacks on our most loyal friend and protector, the great Russian people. The Bulgarian people, who took their destiny into their own hands on September 9 and became masters of their country, will never allow those days to return, no matter what the cost. They will never knuckle under and capitulate before the imperialist cartels and trusts. They are even less likely to succumb to the advice of various weaklings and defeatists now that they are no longer alone and isolated as they were during the fascist regime, that the number of their friends the world over is growing from day to day and the forces of world democracy against imperialist reaction and the fomentors of new aggressive wars are steadily increasing. Nothing can divert our nation from the right road, a road confirmed by its entire historical experience. It will never give up its role of being a sound factor making for peace and democracy in the Balkans and in Europe. Its democratic home and foreign policy is based on international cooperation with a view to establishing a lasting world peace. And this correct policy will triumph in spite of temporary setbacks, because it corresponds not only to our own interests but also to the interests of all peaceful and freedom-loving nations.

Since September 9, 1944, our nation, under the leadership of the Fatherland Front, has overcome immense difficulties both domestically and internationally. Its achievements in this respect are obvious and cannot be disputed by any unbiased observer. They will form exceedingly precious pages in the history of Bulgaria, which will be

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read by future generations with profound admiration and a sense of moral gratification. There can be no doubt that our nation will be no less successful in surmounting the difficulties that face it now and will face it in future. All that is needed are unshakable national unity, untiring work, faith in the forces and the future of our people, strong nerves, intransigent struggle against fascism and reaction and boundless love for our country.

Our industrious and valiant people, who have learned the bitter lessons of the past, will demonstrate all these virtues on May Day in towns and villages, down to the smallest hamlet.

Let us mobilize all our forces for the fulfilment of the TwoYear Economic Plan - for the progress of our country and the welfare of our people I

Long live international co-operation in the struggle for a lasting peace, against the fomentors of new aggressive wars!

Long live the Fatherland Front, the leader of the Bulgarian

people!

Long live the People's Republic of Bulgaria!

G. Dimitrov

SHOULDER TO SHOULDER EVER FORWARD IN SPITE

OF ALL!

Talk with a Delegation of Karlovo Women

May 6, 1947

You know - I have said it more than once - that the Fatherland Front and its Government have faith in Bulgaria's women and count on them greatly. Here you are now, women from many villages of Karlovo district, a fine representative group of valiant Bulgarian women, endowed with a firm will, with a desire to create, with confidence in your own powers and in the powers of our people, ready to overcome all difficulties so as to bring our country to a safe shore. To me personally, as well as to the Government and to the Fatherland Front as a whole, this is a source of great moral gratification, and a new stimulus in the drive for the complete building up and all-round advance of our People's Republic.

We ourselves are not afraid of difficulties, but when seeing that the people, and especially women and girls like yourselves, are nor afraid of them and are ready to give time and labour for your own good and for the good of your nation, of your People's Republic, the Government and the leaders of the Fatherland Front will stand at their responsible posts with even greater confidence and steadfastness.

There are persons among us, as you know, who have no faith in the forces of the Bulgarian people. We are a small nation, they say, a weak nation, while the Americans have the atom bomb, and are rich and powerful. Some of these persons are misguided, while others are enemies of

May 1, 1947

Rabotnichisko Ddo, No. 98 May 1, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 123-127 Published by the BCP, 7955

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the people; they are deliberately threatening us, sowing confusion and trying to impede the implementation of the Two-Year State Economic Plan; they are out, by hook or by crook, to thwart the success of our People's Republic. But the vast majority of our people,as was clearly demonstrated all over the country on May Day, you yourselves being a vivid manifestation of our people's enthusiasm, are firmly resolved to surmount all difficulties and to secure the freedom, independence and happiness of our country. Remember - however much they may threaten us from outside, we will build our own home as our people see fit, as their interests and future require. What our people have mapped out will be achieved by the common efforts of all of us.

We must stand firm and hold together, we must not allow the slightest wavering in our national unity, we must march with . full faith forward and ever forward.

The Bulgarian nation is indeed small, but it is great in its iron will, in its unshakable moral strength, in its faith in right and justice, it is great through its many gifted and talented sons and daughters in town and village. Our countryside especially is the virgin soil which it is now our task to develop so that it may yield rich fruit. This virgin soil is going to be developed under the beneficial influence of our growing material and spiritual culture and in a few years you will be able to see our villages prospering and many peasant boys and girls developing their fine talents for the welfare of our people. With your own heroic efforts and with the efforts of the whole Bulgarian people, with that maternal love for our children which moves us all, with our devotion to great deeds, we will triumph over our enemies at home and abroad. All the more so, as we are not alone. We have powerful friends, the Soviet Union in the first place, friends who are loyal and selfless like Yugoslavia, Poland, Czechoslovakia, democratic Romania and many democratic forces in France, Great Britain, America and elsewhere. If we roll up our sleeves and get down to work with might and main, relying on the support given us by our Russian brothers and which we might get also from the other Slav and

democratic nations, we will easily overcome all obstacles, and emerge on the road to national prosperity and happiness.

We must never forget that God helps those who help themselves!

The road we are following is an uphill one. We have covered half of it. The second half is difficult, of course. We are a little tired and our strength is somewhat exhausted. But we must rally our forces to get to the top. The greater our effort, the sooner we will reach the peak. So long as we have people like our people, so long as we have women like you - and this is no empty compliment - we have nothing to fear, though there may be waverers and doubting. Thomases here and there who begin to tremble with fear whenever dark clouds appear in the sky, such as a threatening speech pronounced by someone abroad, for instance. We do not belong to that category - we are not 5 waverers, we are not spineless creatures. Most of our peo' pie are of a different mettle. The Bulgarian people are no ' weaklings, their moral fibre is sound. Difficulties there certainly I are, but we will surmount them through our own efforts and

* with the help of our friends from the friendly countries. And : these friends grow in number with every passing day. The

* forces of world democracy are on the increase, while the

* forces of international reaction are on the decline, for s- nothing can live which is not fed by life-giving sap, which

has no strong and deep roots, and reaction has not got them. It may put up temporary obstacles, it may try and bite like a viper here and there, but it can score no lasting success. Our People's Republic, on the other hand, is young, its roots are deep and fiill of sap and therefore there is a bright future in store for it.

Long live the People's Republic!

Please convey to your communities the warmest : greetings and best wishes from our Government and from me personally. Whenever you are beset by doubts, difficulties or troubles, think of us, of the Fatherland Front and its Government, who stand firm and staunch on their

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feet, who watch over everything and are always ready to lend a helping hand to all loyal sons and daughters of the people in times of trouble or temporary setbacks.

Shoulder to shoulder, let us march forward and ever forward, in spite of all obstacles!

G. Dimitrov. Speeches, Reports. Articles Vol 3 1947. pp. 552-555

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 130-133 Published by the BCP, 1955

THE PRINTED WORD IS A MIGHTY WEAPON

Speech before the Congress of Printers and Workers in the Paper

Industry

May 18, 1947

Comrades!

Allow me first of all on behalf of the Government and on my own behalf to extend the wannest greetings to your Congress and through it to all printers and workers in the paper industry in our country, and to wish you fresh successes in your production work for the good of our country. I am all the more pleased in doing this because, as you know, my career as a fighter started in your midst and I am still bound through ties of blood with my colleagues. I see here among you, as delegates and guests to the Congress, comrades with whom I have worked, gone on strike and fought shoulder to shoulder, with whom we have flatly refused to set type for or print shameless slanders and abuses against our glorious working class.

Printers have great traditions in our labour movement and these traditions must be kept up and developed with ever greater resolve and confidence in the implementation of the new tasks facing our people and our working class.

As you know, the main task that now confronts us, the Fatherland Front, the Government, the working class, the peasants and craftsmen, the people's intelligentsia and your union in particular, is the fulfilment of the Two-Year State Economic Plan. The immense importance of this plan for our country, for its future, for the consolidation of its people's democracy, for its freedom and independence is

clearly evidenced by the fact that all our internal and external enemies are attacking it furiously and are trying by hook or by crook to wreck the fulfilment of this great undertaking at its very inception. But the harder our enemies try to prevent the implementation of the economic plan, the more resolutely, energetically, and steadfastly our people are going to work for its fulfilment. And it shall be fulfilled.The fulfilment of our Two-Year Economic Plan will be like a big iron wheel, moved by the sturdy hands of the working people, which is going to crush all opposition, all obstacles and all sabotage it meets on its way. Our people, the Fatherland Front and its Government will not allow any opposition, from whichever quarter it may come, to impede the economic development of the country.

At this moment there is no greater crime against our country than idleness. Idleness is a crime which must be strictly punished morally, politically and penally. When the destiny of our country is at stake - for its national independence and security as a state depend first and foremost on its economic power - when, I repeat, the destiny of our country is at stake, no tolerance can be shown towards wreckers, parasites, idlers to overt or covert enemies of the implementation of the economic plan. Our people are resolved to march forward and ever forward: they have no intention of the economic plan. Our people are resolved to march forward and ever forward: they have no intention of going back to the shameful past. Society will find a way of compelling those to work who are able-bodied, but will not work.

There are in our country adventurers and simpletons, dull-witted and thick skulled fools, who still cherish the illusion that in a month or two, perhaps less, the Fatherland Front will go and the old wiseacres, the old venal and treacherous rulers and various cliques of parasites will once again straddle the neck of the Bulgarian people. They expect a change, foreign intervention, some miracle. These adventurers and incorrigible fools imagine that nowadays things can be as they were in the past when the royal court,

supported by foreign powers and taking advantage of the disunity of the popular forces, was able to form and disband parties, to make and unmake governments. You know that Bulgaria had forty puppet court-appointed governments within two decades. Those days are irrevocably gone. The Ninth of September has radically changed Bulgaria's interior and international status. There is no royal court and there are no court cliques now. The Ninth of September gave the power into the hands of the people organized in the FatherlandFront.For nearly three years now, since the Ninth of September, we have been moving not backward, but forward, to the growing stabilization of the positions of the people's rule. No unbiassed foreign observer who has visited our country has failed to note the steady and systematic stabilization of the economic, social and political positions of the people's rule. Tell me, how can these people, this new state, our People's Republic be turned back to reaction and to fascism, when all honest and progressive people - workers, peasants and craftsmen, young men and women and intellectuals - have devoted themselves to constructive, socially useful work with an enthusiasm unparalleled in our history and are heightening their vigilance with regard to the people's enemies. Everyone in our country, to the last man, must realize that all hopes of restoration, of any change in our country in the near or distant future are vain illusions. Those who nourish such illusions will be bitterly disappointed. Those who try to plot and conspire in our country with foreign powers, will burn their fingers. The fulfilment of the economic plan will strengthen the Fatherland Front still further. The fulfilment of the economic plan is a powerful weapon which will bury the chief forces of reaction and its political agents in our country.

Your trade and your union have a particularly important role to play in the implementation of the economic plan. One of the important factors for the implementation of the plan is the development of printing and of paper production. We must produce more paper, we must im-

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prove our printing techniques because we need newspapers, books and other publications in order to explain the nature and the aims of the plan, to mobilize and properly direct the forces of the people. We need literature which will raise our people's culture to a higher level. Our workers, peasants, the masses of the people need more culture for we must admit that, owing to the criminal and venal policy of the reactionary fascist governments of the past we are quite backward in this respect.

We must re-educate the more backward strata of the people in a new democratic and progressive spirit. We ourselves must grow and develop - from the largest to the smallest link in our political and economic life, in the state apparatus, in the administration and in the public organizations. We shall not stop at the level reached so far, for if we were to stop there, far from moving forward, we would inevitably fall back, as life is constantly moving forward. We need the printed word as a mighty weapon to rally the people's forces ever more firmly against internal and external foes. But we must confess - being printers yourselves you are well aware of it - that our printing techniques are very backward, the majority of our printing shops are still primitive and unable to secure high-quality publications. I must tell you, though it pains me to do so, that when we compare our publications, not with those of Great Powers like, say, the Soviet Union, the USA, England or France, but with those of Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Romania or Hungary, we see that the latter are more advanced in this respect. Since you are workers in this field, this fact cannot but arouse in you a deep and strong desire to improve our printing techniques as quickly as possible, to make our newspapers and books look more attractive, to reduce errata to the utmost and to make the price of all publications accessible to all readers. We must admit that at present there is hardly any publication without gross errors and frequently mixed-up pages.

I think that, among other practical problems connected with the economic plan, your Congress should consider

this important problem, too. The Government is taking measures to provide you with machines which cannot be produced in our country and must be imported. But I should like to stress that the main factors for success are your organization, your work, your efforts and your desire to master your trade as fully as possible.

Here again the chief problem is that of cadres. We have few qualified type-setters, engineers, technicians, foremen and managers of enterprises. Special care must be given to the training of promising youths, who are numerous in your trade. They must be sent to special schools and courses, provided with textbooks and given all possible assistance by their qualified comrades so that they may soon become well skilled workers. Paper factories must also have their specialists. Cadres are usually of decisive importance in any undertaking. The question of their growth, of the training of new cadres from among the younger generation must be given special attention. I can say quite categorically that the Government will spare neither funds, nor time and trouble for the training of cadres. But it is upon you that by and large depends the successful solution of this problem. I should very much like your Congress to give this extremely important problem the most careful consideration. Your future achievements depend to a very great extent on the successful solution of the problem of cadres in the field of

printing.

I wish your Congress a businesslike and a self-critical discussion of all problems pertaining to the economic plan and the fulfilment of those tasks which the plan sets before you. I wish your union ever closer unity. I wish you fresh successes in the battle you are fighting through the printed word against our domestic and foreign enemies for the good of our people and our People's Republic of Bulgaria.

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 113 May 20, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 136-142 Published by the BCP, 1955

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STATEMENT MADE TO JOHN FISHER, CORRESPONDENT OF THE LONDON DAILY MAIL

tablishment of tranquility, peaceful development and security which are so necessary to the Balkans.

Q._: What could Great Britain do to improve her relations with Bulgaria and what could Bulgaria, on her part, do along these lines? .

A.: I consider that the improvement of relations between Great Britain and Bulgaria depends chiefly on Great Britain. If Great Britain shows confidence in new, democratic Bulgaria and in the Bulgarian people, the vast majority of whom stand firm behind the Fatherland Front Government, if Great Britain respects our national sovereignty and lets our people settle their home affairs freely and independently as it suits them and accords with their interests and in a spirit of international collaboration, as the well-known Yalta Declaration prescribes, there can be no serious or insurmountable obstacles to the complete normalization of relations between our two countries.

The Bulgarian people expect Great Britain to show an understanding of and respect for our legitimate rights and interests, which are in no way a menace to world peace and cannot impair the legitimate rights and interests of the British. Any approach on the part of Great Britain to resume trade relations between the two countries will be welcomed by the Bulgarian Government with complete reciprocity and good will.

On her part, Bulgaria will continue to strive to eliminate all existing misunderstandings and prejudices against the Bulgarian people which have their roots in false or biassed information and especially in the lamentable fact that, in the past, through the fault of the Coburg dynasty and of criminal governments and against the will of the people Bulgaria has been hostile to Great Britain and has taken part in wars against her. New Bulgaria, which has broken completely with the past, will do her utmost to contribute to the development of political, economic and cultural relations between the Bulgarian and the British people.

Q.: Does the Prime Minister envisage a reinforcement

Question: Does the Prime Minister desire a prompt ratification of the peace treaty?

Answer: Yes. The Bulgarian Government and the entire Bulgarian people desire a speedy ratification of the peace treaty.

Q.: What would be the consequences of a delay in ratification?

A: The consequences of a delay in ratification of the peace treaty would obviously be unfavourable, first, because that would lead to a delay in the settlement of relations between Bulgaria and the United States, which cannot be in the interests of either nation in the proper sense, and second, because it would delay Bulgaria's admission to the United Nations, which is not in the interests of peace in the Balkans and in the world as a whole.

Q.; Would you like to comment on the effect of President Truman's recent speeches on the situation in the Balkans?

A.: With all due respect to the President of a Great Power like the United States of America, I am bound to emphasize that in my opinion the speeches of the American President temporarily abet the anti-democratic circles and survivals of the old fascist regimes and are therefore not likely to contribute to peace and democracy.

I do not believe that such speeches can in any way contribute to dispelling the atmosphere of distrust now existing between some Balkan states and to the early es-

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of the alliance between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia which might eventually lead to: a) a common currency; b) joint purchases on both sides; c) loans of capital, factories, ships, etc., connected with the reconstruction of industry? Any other projects for the future?

A.: To begin with, let me say that between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia there is as yet no alliance, although relations between the two countries are close and fraternal. Personally I sincerely desire and, in accordance with the will of the Bulgarian people, I aspire to the conclusion of a lasting treaty of friendship and mutual assistance between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, which will naturally result in close economic, cultural and all-round co-operation and will be of particular importance for their economic rehabilitation and reconstruction of industry. For the time being we have no other projects.

Q.: How is the food supply in Bulgaria?

A.: Owing to Bulgaria's ruthless despoiling by the nazis during the war and to the two successive droughts, the food supply is, of course, impeded. But I believe that, thanks to the heroic efforts of our peasants and to the energetic measures taken by the Government against those who were trying to sabotage the organized gathering in of the crops, the people will have sufficient food to last them till the next harvest.

Q.: Does the stationing of Soviet troops affect the food supply?

A.: The stationing of relatively small Soviet forces in Bulgaria whose number, by the way, has been steadily decreasing of late, does not in any way affect the food supply of our own population. All the more so, as in the last two years Bulgaria received considerable quantities of maize and wheat, as well as fodder for the feeding of animals, from the Soviet Union. Besides, I must add that the Soviet soldiers are rendering our farmers invaluable aid by ploughing, sowing and harvesting considerable tracts of land.

Q.: Do you consider that the national interests of your country call for further measures against the opposition?

A.: The legal measures that the Government was compelled to take in individual cases against certain press organs of the opposition or certain opposition leaders were prompted solely by their flagrant anti-state and antipopular activities.

No government conscious of its responsibilities can brook incitement to non-observance to the laws, to sabotage of state measures aimed at securing the food supply of the people and at rehabilitating the war-torn economy. The Government will hot hesitate to most strictly apply in the future as well the laws of the People's Republic of Bulgaria against any opposition organs and leaders who in their malice and blindness might venture deliberately to instigate the people against the measures taken by the Government in connexion with matters of most vital importance to the people and the republic, especially against those connected with the implementation of the Two-Year State Economic Plan adopted by the Grand National Assembly.

However, I must state quite emphatically that we are not against the existence of an opposition per se. In a country like ours it is only natural that there should be an opposition. But the interests of the people do not allow us to tolerate opposition groups which organize a sabotage of our economic undertakings, which endanger the state and national sovereignty of the country by their actions and which are systematically trying to sap the foundations of our People's Republic, won at the cost of so much bloodshed, countless suffering and the sacrifice of the best sons and daughters of the people.

Q.: Your critics claim that you are not in the best of health. Is that true?

A.: After all that I went through in the past and especially during my time in the nazi prisons where my hands and feet were in manacles day and night for five

months, as well as during the three months of physical and nervous tension of the Reichstag Fire Trial, it is only natural that my health is not what it should be. But in spite of my `critics', I am well enough and quite capable of regularly carrying out my duties as head of the Government.

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STATEMENT MADE TO RIGAL, SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT OF L'HUMANITE*

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 124 June 3, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, p. 148-153 Published by the BCP, 1955

Question: Do you consider that political, economic and cultural relations between Bulgaria and France could and should be further improved and developed?

Answer: I do. That is what the properly understood interests of both countries call for. We are ready to do everything in our power along that line. But to achieve the desired positive results, a similar readiness must, naturally, also be shown by France. The development of economic and trade relations between our two countries is of particular importance. Personally I believe that the trade negotiations renewed by our delegation which is now in Paris will lead to encouraging results.

Q.; What are the main trends in the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Bulgaria?

A.: The main trends of Bulgarian foreign policy are briefly the following:

1. Securing the freedom, independence and state sovereignty of the People's Republic.

2. All-round co-operation for the establishment of a lasting peace on democratic principles, based on international collaboration, and for a more active participation in the struggle against the fomentors of new wars.

3. Prevention of Bulgaria's being turned again into a springboard for hostile actions against our liberators, the great Russian people, or against other Slav or non-Slav democratic nations.

The cornerstone of our foreign policy is, therefore, in-

dissoluble friendship with the peoples of the Soviet Union, fraternal relations with the other Slav nations and friendship with all other democratic nations, great and small, on the basis of mutual respect and loyal cooperation.

It goes without saying that new Bulgaria will never renounce this foreign policy, which is the result of the historical experience of our people, no matter what outside pressure may be applied. The hostility of certain reactionary circles towards our People's Republic will only strengthen the resolution of our people to unflinchingly follow this democratic, peaceful national foreign policy, which is the only salutary road for our people and country.

Q..- What are the major tasks facing the Fatherland Front Government at the present moment?

A. -. The cardinal task facing the whole nation is the implementation of the Two-Year State Economic Plan adopted by the Grand National Assembly. The purpose of this plan is to pave the way for the economic advance of the country and the welfare of the people.

It should be mentioned that, owing to the criminal rule of the German Coburg dynasty and the parasitic capitalist cliques in our country, Bulgaria is very backward in its economic development. The dynasty and those cliques acted as middlemen of foreign capital and thus enriched themselves at the expense of the people's toil and the country's wealth. They were not interested in creating a sound national industry or a modern, mechanized agriculture. Through industrialization, electrification and mechanization of farming, Bulgaria will now have to make up for the ground lost in the past and accomplish in ten to twenty years what it took other countries a whole century to accomplish.

We do not doubt for a moment that this task will be successfully resolved by mobilizing the forces of the people, by tapping our own resources, our mineral deposits and the wealth of our soil, to the utmost, and with the fraternal help of friendly nations. You yourself commented on the

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labour enthusiasm in the whole country and the creative initiative manifested by the masses, by workers and peasants, by our youth and women, by research and cultural workers - all that is the best guarantee that our task will be fulfilled.

Side by side with this cardinal problem, we have to resolve three other important tasks:

1) to have the Grand National Assembly adopt a truly democratic and progressive constitution of the People's Republic, which will help completely stabilize our democratic social order and render any return to the fascist past quite impossible;

2) to secure an effective defence of the People's Republic against any possible revival of the German Drang nach Osten policy as well as against any encroachments on the sovereignity of Bulgaria, from whatever quarter they may come, through a system of treaties of friendship and mutual assistance;

3) while beginning to fulfil the obligations assumed under the peace treaty, to obtain through peaceful means, by mutual agreement with the interested parties and via the UN major alleviations of the severe clauses of the treaty, especially those of an economic character, alleviations which the Bulgarian nation fully deserves.

Q..- What could you tell me about the arrest of Mr. Nikola Petkov?

A.: For some time our authorities had been observing and noting actions on the part of Nikola Petkov and his adherents aimed at preparing a coup d'etat against our People's Republic. After amassing sufficient evidence, the Public Prosecutor's Office has come to the conclusion that a coup d'etat was actually being planned. On the ground of that evidence the Public Prosecutor's Office requested the Grand National Assembly, in accordance with the existing laws of the country, to divest Nikola Petkov of his mandate as a deputy and to hand him over to the judicial authorities.

The Presidium of the Grand National Assembly, after

receiving this request from the Public Prosecutor's Office, communicated it to the Grand National Assembly and, in agreement with the regulations of the latter, submitted the request for consideration to the parliamentary committee, dealing with the affairs of the Ministry of Justice. The parliamentary committee, not being a court instance, did not go into the merits of the case, but found the Public Prosecutor's request well-grounded and proposed to the Grand National Assembly to hand over the deputy Nikola Petkov to the judicial authorities.

Like the parliamentary committee dealing with matters connected with the Ministry of Justice, the Grand National Assembly did not discuss the accusations, since it is not a court instance, but it approved the reasons attached to the request submitted by the Public Prosecutor's Office and the proposal of the parliamentary committee by an overwhelming majority. On the basis of the decision of the Grand National Assembly, Nikola Petkov was arrested and handed over to the judicial authorities. Such are the facts concerning the Petkov case.

The inquest has already started and will soon be concluded. Petkov will be tried, in public, in the presence of witnesses and counsel for the defense and the court will pass sentence on him. Therefore we have to patiently and calmly await the decision of the court, a sovereign Bulgarian court In the present state of affairs the task of the Government and my own task as Premier is to see to it that the defendant Petkov is guaranteed normal conditions of life in prison and a normal court procedure. I have personally instructed the authorities in charge, that Petkov should be given a suitable cell and that he should have his own bed, bedding and any other comforts permissible in prison. We will allow nothing that might offend Petkov's personal dignity or injure his health.

Since we understand that Nikola Petkov is not in the best of health, he is to have medical attendance and special food according to the doctor's prescriptions. According to our laws, Petkov's arrest is a matter concerning our home

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affairs alone. Petkov is a Bulgarian subject. He is responsible before the Bulgarian laws, just as all of us, from the prime Minister down to the last peasant, are responsible before the Bulgarian laws. In this matter no outside intervention is going to help Petkov, just as it could not help anyone else. I might even add that any foreign intervention will only aggravate matters, for it will substantiate the suspicion that Petkov was preparing a coup d'etat not merely with the help of his adherents in Bulgaria, but also with the help of all those who might offer to protect him from abroad now. I repeat - Petkov is a Bulgarian subject, not American, English or French. He will have to answer for his actions before our people, before our laws and our court. No special court procedure will be applied to Petkov's case. It is going to be the usual procedure applied to any Bulgarian citizen.

I do not doubt that interested circles abroad will try and use the fact of Petkov's being handed over to the court as an argument against Bulgaria. They will wilfully misinterpret this act as a desire on our part to stamp out any domestic opposition. However, that is quite untrue. We consider that conditions in Bulgaria do leave room for opposition and there will be opposition, but it must be loyal, it must not conspire for a coup d'etat against the people's government, or hinder the organization of the food supplies of our population, or sabotage our state economic plan; the opposition should criticize the shortcomings and drawbacks of the government and propagate its ideas through legal means. Such an opposition may even be useful.

The mistaken opinion that we are trying to stamp out any opposition whatever should not be encouraged. Our Government is so closely linked with the people that it fears no oppostion. But the Government of Bulgaria will not allow anyone to hamper the rehabilitation of our economy, the implementation of the economic plan, or to try and prevent us from securing our national and state sovereignty. We want to avoid internecine, civil strife. We

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will not allow Bulgaria to become a second Greece. That we shall never allow, under any circumstances. Neither shall we allow Bulgaria to proclaim a state of siege, as Turkey is doing. We desire and are going to establish a normal democratic system, guaranteeing the necessary peace and security for constructive work. Whoever tries to prevent that will go to prison in accordance with the laws of the country and the spirit of the peace treaty.

The Bulgarian people have many wise proverbs. One of them runs, `Don't burn your quilt to get rid of the flea.' To put things simply and squarely, Petkov's case is a flea. Perhaps a pretty large flea, but a flea nonetheless. Ought we to burn our quilt on account of it, i.e. the political, economic and cultural co-operation between Bulgaria and the Western powers? Any sensible man will answer - a flea is only a flea, after all, but we must preserve our quilt, in the interest of international co-operation, of lasting peace and of the prosperity of the Bulgarian people themselves.

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THE SHOCK-WORK AND EMULATION MOVEMENTS ARE OF GREAT IMPORTANCE

Speech before a Delegation of Textile Shock-Workers

June 11, 1947

I have been informed about the discussions and resolutions of your congress^^5^^ and I must say quite frankly that, without paying you any compliment, the congress has seriously discussed all its decisions. And those decisions, but for a few perhaps, are correct. You know very well, of course, that it is not sufficient to take correct decisions, and that they must be carried out if they are to be of any practical use. I hope that the Bulgarian textile workers will roll up their sleeves and devote all their forces, ability and patriotism to transform the congress resolutions into a living reality. Together with other categories of workers, you too have an important part to play through your labour and efforts in the implementation of the economic plan by utilizing the now existing machinery of your mills, you will play an important role in clothing the people. For a variety of reasons, our people are not too well clothed at present and for that we must try and make up for what was not done in the past. The shock-work and emulation movements, which are getting so popular among you and are received with such enthusiasm throughout the country, are therefore of immense importance.

On a former occasion I had the opportunity of expressing my opinion on the shock-work movement. I recalled then, and I want to stress the point now, that the shock-work movement can count on lasting achievements

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 129 June 8, 1947

G. Dimitrov. Works Vol. 13, pp. 155-161 Published by the BCP, 1955

and serious results and can become a mass movement only on condition that the workers' physical exertion and nervous strain are accompanied by improved qualification and skill and by a series of measures protecting the workers' physical and moral forces. It is not sufficient for a shockworker to strain his physical forces to such an extent that his head is ready to burst and he soon becomes incapable for further work; what is needed is the skill to utilize the available time, as well as the machines, instruments and materials, to the best advantage. Instead of taking an hour, say, to make a certain object, to be able to make it in half an hour. In that respect our men and women shockworkers must rely on their skill and dexterity which should be increasing from day to day, rather than on their physical strength, desire and resolve to produce more.

I should like to draw your attention to certain special circumstances. As you see, men and women shock-workers are becoming honoured people, heroes of labour. They are beginning to be regarded by their fellow-workers and by the whole nation as persons of special merit. This, however, often leads to two unhealthy phenomena, which you must notice and try to eliminate. Even the best shockworkers are only human, after all, and have their human failings. Thus, for instance they see their pictures and biographies in the papers, they are surrounded by attention and love and are, so to say, carried by the people on their arms. If a shock-worker who achieves this status in our society is not critical of himself, his head may easily-turn and he may begin to look down his nose at his fellowworkers, he may stop improving his work, and once he stops where he is, he is bound to lose the place of honour that his ability, his energy and his efforts have won him. That is why, in this respect the shock-workers themselves have to take the proper measures - preserve their modesty, continuously improve their skill and serve as an example to their fellow-workers.

The other phenomenon which is even worse is that when in a factory men and women emerge as shock-

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workers and become heroes of labour, they are sometimes regarded with a feeling of envy and spite by some of their less active and less conscientious fellow-workers. Intrigues and slander start, creating an atmosphere which discourages the shock-workers or prevents them from advancing. We must take a firm stand against that danger. Measures should be taken against such envious people and they should be influenced in such a way that they will become unable to hamper the shock-worker movement by their unworthy conduct.

There is another thing, some master-workers and managers look unfavourably on the shock-worker movement since it demands often greater efforts and attention. Often such masters and managers frown upon the shockworkers also for another reason, namely, because they forfeit certain supplements to their wages if a woman worker handles, say, ten looms instead of six. The nation's economy gains by the shock-worker movement, but the master's personal interests may suffer. And then he begins to oppress and cheat the shock-workers, giving them insufficient or poor materials and doing everything within his power to obstruct them. There are plenty of such cases. I am sure your union is much better informed about them than I am and it is the union's business to see to it that a stop be put to such practices.

If we are to intensify the shock-worker movement and mass emulation - two factors of paramount importance for the fulfilment and overfulfiment of the Two-Year State Economic Plan, we must take account of these circumstances. I appeal to you to give them your undivided attention and do something about them through your unions. Only then will the number of shock-workers and innovators will be able to continue growing.

Naturally, in increasing the quantity of production, shock-work should never be at the expense of quality. I have been informed that in some cases shock-workers produce more, but at the cost of lower quality. Allow me to say that I have been shown samples of cloth and other

textile goods of very low quality. On checking up I found that in some cases the fault lay with the materials, in others - with the machines and the technology, but in the majority of cases the fault lay with the workers. In striving to increase the output of any enterprise we must at the same time try to improve the quality of that output. Real shockwork and real emulation are those that lead both to greater quantity and higher quality.

You must not be afraid of difficulties, or get discouraged. Difficulties cannot frighten us, for there can be no difficulties that we are unable to overcome by consolidating our unity, by increasing the productivity of our labour, by tightening our discipline and by a firm faith in our own forces and in the forces of the people.

Don't pay any attention to rumours spread by the enemy, as for instance that British and American troops will be coming to Bulgaria, that the Fatherland Front will collapse and the opposition come to power, or that after the ratification of the peace treaty the country will be placed under foreign control and the like. There are of course simple, naive people whom such rumours fill with terror. You must explain to them how matters really stand. You remember that when I came back here it was rumoured that the Americans and the British would not allow the elections set for November 18, 1945, to be held. I declared that the elections would be held and that they would be held by the Government of the Fatherland Front, headed by Mr. Kimon Georgiev. And the elections were held, as you very well know. Then it was rumoured that the Americans and the British would not allow the peace treaty to be signed by the Government of the Fatherland Front. But you know that the peace treaty was actually signed by the Government of the Fatherland Front. Later it was rumoured that the treaty might be signed but that the Government of the Fatherland Front would never be recognized. I declared that it would be recognized because that was both in the interest of the Americans and the British and in our own interest. You know, of course, that

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the British have long since recognized our Government. The Fatherland Front rules the country and is the only power capable of ruling it with the support of the people. There cannot and there will not be any changes in that respect. Therefore, devote yourselves to your work in absolute confidence, strive to improve your qualification, to broaden your cultural background, and don't be afraid of anything.

I wish you success in implementing the decisions of your congress. Please extend to all your fellow workers in the textile industry my warm fraternal greetings, not the greetings of the prime minister, but simply of Georgi Dimitrov.

Rabotnichesko Delo. No. 133 June 13, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13, pp. 162-167 Published by the BCP,

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transport and in the railwaymen's working conditions and living standards.

As is known, we cannot rely on any substantial help from abroad. There is no UNRRA for Bulgaria, as is the case with some other countries. We do and should rely, first of all, on our proper labour and resources. At the hardest moments for our national economy on several occasions we received aid from the great Soviet Union but in future this aid cannot be significant, because the Soviet Union itself is in need of developing its industry and national might to the maximum. And we, Bulgarians, as well as all Slav peoples, are vitally interested in this. The more powerful Moscow is, the better off shall we be, the more successfully will lasting peace be established among nations.

Under the conditions in which we live and when we must rely on our own labour and our own means and natural and other resources, the subjective factor is of exceptional significance. This subjective factor are we and you. This subjective factor is the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Fatherland Front and its local committees, the railwaymen's and miners' unions, in general the whole General Trade Union and General Agricultural Workers' Union and the other trade and cultural unions. This subjective factor is the Workers' Party (Communists). This subjective factor includes also the Agrarian Union and our other fraternal parties in the Fatherland Front. This subjective factor includes also hundreds of thousands of non-Party workers and peasants, craftsmen , industrialists and merchants, economic workers and intellectuals, men and women,and yound people, who have today devoted their efforts and their creative labour to the fulfilment of the Two-Year Economic Plan.

Mark: under equal objective conditions, in one case you may obtain one result, and in another case a ten times better result. This depends upon the subjective factor, upon the head, the hand, the heart of the worker, engineer,

COMBATING IDLENESS, WASTE AND BUREAUCRACY

Speech at the Congress of the Railwaymen's and Sailors' Trade Union, Held on June 24, 1947

Allow me on behalf of the Government of the Fatherland Front and on my own behalf to extend to your Congress our warmest greetings, and in your person to greet all Bulgarian railwaymen and sailors.

You represent a significant labour force in our country. Our military forces number a total of 65,000 men, whereas your labour force amounts to 50,000 people. This is a labour force of tremendous significance for our economy and for the fulfilment of the Two-Year State Economic Plan. It is superfluous to detail to you, railwaymen, the importance of transport and more particularly about railway transport. I just wish to stress what you should be deeply conscious of in your heart - that our economic plan cannot be successfully fulfilled without the proper and normal functioning of railway transport. And its normal functioning and operation depends, above all, upon you - our glorious Bulgarian railwaymen.

The Government is fully aware of the difficulties in our railway transport, it is aware of the fact that equipment is in short supply and pretty much worn out; it knows that we do not have enough locomotives and cars; it knows also that our railway workshops and repair shops do not have sufficient equipment and that at many places the railway lines stand in great need of improvement. The Government is also aware of the hard living and working conditions of our railwaymen and is endeavouring to do all it can to introduce the necessary improvements both in railway

technician. Under a proper management, a proper organization of the departments, the necessary labour discipline, and with a conscientious and devoted attitude to job, machines and instruments, raw materials and funds, it is possible to achieve good results even under our hard objective conditions, accidents and damage can be reduced to a minimum in our railways, the unnecessary idle stay of locomotives and cars can be avoided, railway traffic can be substantially increased, the repair of locomotives and cars can be accelerated and labour productivity can be substantially raised in our railway workshops. One condition, a single condition is necessary for all this: that every railwayman, from the biggest to the smallest in the official hierarchy, should be always at his post.

Insofar as I have been able to follow the development of our railway transport and the work of our railwaymen, I must tell you with satisfaction that, as compared with last year's congress, there has been an improvement in railway transport this year. This improvement, however, I am sorry to say, falls far short of existing possibilities, of the needs of our transport in particular, and the nation's economy, in general.

I am sure that at the sessions of your Congress you have made use of a fine weapon for every progress - criticism and self-criticism. Criticism is needed in all spheres of life. Just, frank and constructive criticism is needed also in your Railwaymen's Union and in the railway administration. Self-criticism is also necessary. In our country, as you know, as a rule, according to a mentality inherited from the past, people don't like very much either criticism or self-criticism. But we must understand, once and for all, that in state, public, cultural and even in private life there can be no progress and no prosperity without criticism and self-criticism. We should discuss these problems quite frankly, because you have not gathered at an official banquet where beautiful speeches are made and compliments are paid, but at a businesslike Congress which is called upon to take decisions with regard to one of the

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foremost levers of our economy and for our future progress. Are the arbitrary absenteeisms under various pretexts few in number among you? They are not! How many are the cases when railwaymen employed in the traffic, at the stations and workshops do not abide by the traffic rules, the rules governing the different services, or the rules governing the stations, the different managements and department of the Ministry of Railways? They are not few! Allow me to say something more. How many are the cases when railwaymen take a drink and then go to do their duty? I myself am not an extreme teetotaller. I too like once in a while to drink of good wine or something else, but when one is on duty or is going to be on duty, taking alcohol and getting drunk is a crime. Is it not a fact that discipline in our country is lax? It is better than last year, but it is still slack. Is it not a fact that the service often suffers because of petty disputes between friends? Is it not a fact that some of the accidents are due to arguments between certain officials? Yes, it is a fact! I do not doubt that your Congress has most sharply condemned these weaknesses, shortcomings and flaws and that it will take decisions which will mobilize the mass of railwaymen to consciously fight for the stamping out of these shortcomings, this shameful blot on the work of our brave railwaymen.

Another topical question which the Congress has most probably discussed and on which it has taken a decision is the lack of coordination between the work of the administration and the trade unions at a number of localities, which is the cause of many misunderstandings and of much damage done to the service. Suitable means will have to be found - and there are such means and, provided there is good will, they will be found - so that, beginning from the minister, director and vice-director and ending with the smallest stationmasters in our railway system, there should be coordination in the work done by all and agreement between the state administration and the leading bodies of the Railwaymen's Union. The Railwaymen's Union, of course, is a trade union organiza-

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tion which defends and should defend the interests of railwaymen and sailors - and I am speaking primarily about the railwaymen because they constitute its main mass. It must defend their interests because otherwise it would not be justifying its existence. The trade union of railwaymen and sailors, however, cannot only be making demands on the administration and the state, it cannot only be putting forward requests. Its duty is to secure the best possible implementation of the production process and railway traffic; its duty is to secure the necessary conscious subordination to the management and chiefs, because otherwise the work will not be properly performed. Its duty is to remove all causes of friction between the administration and the trade union organizations.

The questions which we are discussing here do not refer only to you. They refer also to the other spheres of Bulgaria's economic life and, more particularly, to the fulfilment of the Two-Year Plan. Almost three months have elapsed since this Plan started to be implemented, and we can already see how it is shaping up. I must tell you quite frankly that along certain lines, the Plan is being implemented well, along others - less well and along yet others - unsatisfactorily.

The Plan is feasible, it can and will be fulfilled. In the process, however, we encounter obstacles and evils which hamper it and which must be overcome, wiped out and eliminated. These obstacles and evils can be reduced mainly to three groups.

To begin with idleness, laziness, parasitism. Our people are diligent as a whole, but in our country there are still many idlers, parasites, social butterflies, dandies, and the like. Many are the people who do not want to work, because they find ways of living by illegal and criminal means. The American Legation, for instance, had barely announced that it might admit 200 or 300 people to the US, when a long queue of Bulgarian men and women, numbering several thousand persons fit for work, was formed, wishing to leave for America. These are men

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wishing to escape from Bulgaria and the Bulgarian people at a moment when we are building up the People's Republic. Part of them are running away from the law against loafers, thinking that in America they will be lying in a bed of roses, that there all things are going swimmingly. Others are involved in various criminal and shady deals and are trying to hide under the American banner. Still others are mere adventurers. In most cases, however, these people can and should be considered as deserters from their country.

This idleness, laziness and parasitism are an unmitigated evil which checks the successful and rapid fulfilment of the Economic Plan, a crime which sould be condemned not only morally and politically, but should also be prosecuted and punished by the courts.

The second big evil is waste, the squandering of raw materials and funds, of electric power, of gasoline, the people's daily bread, of time and of many other things. The English are right in saying time is money. But just have a look at the attitude of people towards time, this important fact in our country. How much time, for instance, is squandered when a session, conference, rally or meeting has been appointed to start at 8 or 9 o'clock, and actually starts one or two hours later? Those who have come at the appointed hour wait, stay and waste valuable time. How much valuable time is lost for different conferences and sessions which are superfluous 1 How much valuable time is lost by the fact that when a session of an organization or of a state body is called, there is no agenda prepared beforehand, and the secretary starts listing the questions which should be discussed only after coming to the meeting! According to his whim or that of somebody else, a question is put on the agenda, a discussion gets started and the session continues thus for hours, instead this time being utilized for work, self-education, culture, etc.

The attitude of many towards the state and public property, inherited from the past, is simply criminal. Few are the engine drivers who properly look after their

engines. Few are the workers, technicians and engineers in our country who have a sufficiently conscientious attitude towards the machines and the instruments and materials with which they work. They belong to the state, they say, they are nobody's private property, why spare them? This is an old attitude, one characteristic of the workers towards | the old fascist anti-people's state; it should be done away : with. Now we have a state of our own, a people's state, a |, state of workers, peasants and intellectuals, a state of railwaymen, sailors and miners and of all our working people. That is why this second evil - waste and squander - must also be combated and eliminated so that we may be able to make real use of all our moral and material forces and resources for the implementation of the Two-Year Plan and march boldly forward and ever forward.

There is one more, a third and maybe a still greater evil inherited from the past bureaucracy. A bureaucratic attitude towards one's post and towards one's job can be encountered in every Ministry, in every department, in every office, down to certain village mayors who somehow or other have also become bureaucrats. When a peasant comes to such a mayor on an urgent matter, the latter will take his application and tell him to come again in two or three days or even in a week.

A department is, for instance, in close proximity to another department in the same or the adjacent building, but their managers and assistant managers or chiefs start composing letters to their neighbours in the other office and start writing official letters on all questions from manager to manager, from chief to chief. One manager wastes hours in composing a letter, his typist wastes hours in typing it, and the other manager or chief wastes time in reading it. Instead of all this, the first manager could go to the second, who is next door to him, come to an understanding with him and settle the matter in a business-like manner. This holds good for your Ministry too, but here I am speaking about all Ministries. And very often, after many letters and files have travelled from department to

department, from office to office, since the question happens to be somewhat more entangled, the chief does not have the courage to solve it by himself but calls a commission which fails to meet for a week or two, and thus a vital problem remains unsolved. Can a people's state be managed in such a manner? Can a national economic plan be thus successfully fulfilled? Bureaucracy should be mercilessly combated. We are used to say 'death to fascism!' Now we should add: 'Death to bureaucracy!'

But there is something else too. Commissions are called on different pretexts, decisions are taken on important questions, but very seldom do the responsible persons follow up the implementation of the decision. There are many such cases. When I sometimes take the telephone and ask a chief of a certain department what has been done in connexion with this or that decree, he is so confused that he cannot exactly remember and then starts looking for the file which he cannot find all day. On checking up the matter, it turns out that the decree in question has not been carried out. This means that there was no one to follow up the execution of the decisions. This is often the case in trade union organizations as well. Many of your trade unions, even central managements, do not check the execution of the decisions. Many correct decisions fail to be applied in this way and many good and useful ideas fail to be implemented.

Along with this, one encounters in our departments a stiff, rude and callous attitude towards lower officials and citizens who come asking for services. I know that the chief is a chief, the director is a director, the minister is a minister and the prime minister is a prime minister, that they have a certain rank, a certain position, but that does not at all mean that these chiefs should behave towards their subordinates or citizens, who come to ask them for a service, like callous bosses. On the part of the chiefs correct and decent behaviour is required; they should lend a helping hand to their subordinates and the citizens, but towards idlers, breakers of discipline and saboteurs they

should be severe and strict, ruthlessly strict. The citizens come to the different departments, asking for a service on perfectly legal grounds: for a document to enter a school, an identity card, a rationing card, etc. - you all know that a great number of documents are always required, and when they go to the respective official, the latter hardly pays any attention to them, they have to wait in a queue, waste a lot of their precious time and often a whole day's wages without settling their problem. Delegations of peasants and citizens often come from the provinces to settle some personal or public questions. A week passes, two, three, while the delegates are sent from one office to another, yet their problem stays unsettled, and it is only when some of those delegations get fed up - we already have such a case - that they come to the Council of Ministers or to the National Council of the Fatherland Front. Then the question is checked and it turns out that many of the questions which have been raised are not so complicated and can be resolved in a couple of hours. This callous and rude attitude of big and small officials towards citizens will be henceforward considered as a crime by the Government, for which the respective official will not only be dismissed but also brought before the court.

Bureaucracy manifests itself like a hydra with one hundred heads under most diverse forms and along many channels. It always kills every living initiative and insults and disgusts the citizens, substantially hindering the implementation of our undertakings under the economic plan.

Without dwelling further on these problems, I repeat: in all fields of our social, economic and cultural life these evils have to be stamped out, they must be eliminated with the common efforts of all our people.

All conditions necessary for our forward march are now at hand. Certain vacillations which existed last year with regard to the stability of our international status have disappeared. The doubts and vacillations which existed in certain circles that the Fatherland Front and its Govern-

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ment were something provisional, that they would soon cease to exist and that there would be a return to the past and a restoration in favour of parasitic capital, of the speculators and exploiters in our country - these doubts no longer have any foundation. The Fatherland Front stands so firm on its iron feet as never before.

Some people asserted that if measures were to be taken against certain opposition leaders who were committing crimes towards our people and our People's Republic, American and British forces would invade our country, overthrow the Fatherland Front and free the arrested opposition leaders. They were naive and shortsighted! Now they can see that the foremost leader of the opposition is arrested on an accusation of having conspired to stage a coup d'etat but no one in Bulgaria seriously raises a finger to make a protest demonstration or meeting. Nothing of the kind! Why? Because the bulk of our people, their overwhelming majority, understand the meaning of the National Economic Plan and, at the same time, clearly see through the anti-popular policy of the opposition leaders. They are now endeavouring secretly to set the crops on fire which, as we know, will be quite insufficient owing to inclement climatic conditions, to undertake diversive actions, to prepare armed plots, some of which have already been discovered by the militia, in order to provoke foreign intervention. Vain efforts! First of all, our people will be on the look-out, each one of us will be on the look-out, second, the people's militia and State Security will be on the lookout and nothing of the kind will be allowed to happen in our country.

We may be proud that with our own efforts, with our own labour and with our own heroism and devotion to our country and with our correct, peaceful and democratic policy we shall reach the safe shore in spite of everything. The more diligent, the more disciplined, the more resolute and united we are in our work, the more we shall be respected by Englishmen and Americans, Frenchmen, by friends and foes.

It is with this feeling of national pride, with this consciousness of our bright national future that I once again congratulate you and ask you to get down to work, and do all you can for the cause of the Fatherland Front and the successful implementation of the Two-Year Economic Plan.

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MESSAGE OF CONGRATULATIONS TO COMRADE VASSIL KOLAROV ON HIS 70th BIRTHDAY

Rabotnichesko Ddo, No. 146 June 28, 1947

G, Dimitrov, Works, Vol. 13, pp. 181-193 Published by the BCP, J955

The celebration of the 70th birthday of the President of the Grand National Assembly and Acting President of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, Vassil Kolarov, is a happy event of national significance.

In the course of 50 years our dear Comrade Kolarov has been wholeheartedly devoting all his forces and tremendous abilities as a social and political worker, and now also as a great statesman, to the loyal and selfless service of our people and country. He deservedly enjoys the love and respect not only of the working people but also of all honest and progressive people in our country and far beyond its borders.

A whole volume could be written about Vassil Kolarov, about his rich and meaning life, about his immaculate honesty and his social and political and scholarly work. Generations will be brought up in a democratic and progressive spirit by studying his exceptionally valuable biography.

The Bulgarian people are happy to have such a devoted exceptionally capable and great statesman, possessed with a tremendous erudition and rich political experience.

Today, when our people are genuinely happy to observe Vassil Kolarov's 70th birthday, warmly wishing him good health and cheer, so that he may for many more years work ever so successfully for the final triumph of the great people's cause, I, who have been linked to him by almost half a century of joint activity at home and in

emigration, extend to him most hearty and fraternal congratulations, wishing him from the bottom of my heart to live to see with his present youthful good cheer, vitality and capacity for work, the complete Liossoming of our country - the People's Republic of Bulgaria.

G. Dimitrov Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Bulgaria

Vassil Kolarov paper, 1947

G. Dimitrov. Works Vol. n, pp. 200-210 Published by the BCP, 7955

HOW TO AVERT A NEW MUNICH

Combating the fomentors of new wars is the historic task of all

democratic nations Statement before a Rude Pravo Correspondent^^6^^

The organ of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Rude Pravo, published on October 1, 1947 carried an interview of Prime Minister Georgi Dimitrov by its foreign policy editor.

Question: Today some people are talking about a policy which might lead to a new Munich. In your opinion is there any such trend? Wherein does it recall the Munich policy of 1938 and wherein does it differ from it?

Answer: History never repeats itself exactly. Naturally, the `Munich' of 1938 cannot be repeated. However, there are certain analogies. The international situation today as compared to that of 1938 is one of them. At that time Chamberlain and Daladier, on behalf of Great Britain and France, attempted in Munich to turn Hitler against the Soviet Union by consenting to the annexation of Austria and handing over the Czechoslovak Republic. Taking advantage of this shameful capitulation of the British and French governments, Hitler started the war, first crushing Poland and France, conquering a number of other countries, and dealing heavy blows to Great Britain and subsequently proceeding to launch his heinous attack against the Soviet Union. The historic treachery in Munich, for which the British and French leaders at that time bear major responsibility, opened the floodgates to the total war for world domination which the German imperialists had been preparing.

After the rout of nazi Germany, most of the credit for

I

which goes to the Soviet Union and its invincible Army, now once again an aggressive war is being prepared for world domination.

The difference, however, lies in the fact that at the time of the Munich Pact the initiative was in the hands of the German imperialists, while now it is in the hands of the American imperialists. Then the official leaders of Great Britain and France helped Hitler, and now the leaders of these states are inclined to help Truman. Unlike 1938, the place of Germany's imperialists is now held by the American imperialists. The final goal at present, however, is again the establishment of world supremacy of one great power over the nations of the world.

Anti-communism served as a smoke-screen for Hitler's aggression, for the campaign of the German imperialists towards world supremacy. As we all know, anticommunism suffered a disastrous defeat during the Second World War. Communism, however, far from being destroyed, manifested its vital, popular force precisely in the war of liberation, while its main grave-diggers were sent to their grave. Yet, at present, the American imperialists and their official representatives are also resorting to anti-communism as a smoke-screen. Obviously, they cannot invent anything better than the bankrupt slogan of the nazis.

The United Nations and its fundamental principle - unanimity among the four great powers in resolving questions of peace and international security - is a serious obstacle for the new pretenders for world domination. Hence the attempts at the General Assembly now sitting in New York of the American imperialists to undermine the foundations of this organization by using their satellites as tools.

Question: Wherein does the present situation differ from that of Munich in 1938? What is now the balance of proMunich and anti-Munich forces?

Answer: There is an essential difference between the

I situation at the time of the Munich Pact and the present

I situation.

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In what does this difference consist? It consists mainly

I in the following:

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a) The Soviet Union, as a result of its liberating role, has

emerged from the victorious anti-nazi war with tremendous international authority and influence, with great military experience and unshakable unity of its peoples.

b) Thanks to the glorious Red Army, many countries were freed from fascist oppression. The peoples of these countries took their destinies into their own hands. People's democracies were set up in the countries of Southeastern Europe and are becoming stabilized. Headed by the Soviet Union, these people's democracies are a serious check to imperialist aggression and a sure guarantee of peace. This fact is of universal significance.

c) The colonial nations have risen in a nationalliberation fight against their imperialist enslavers. This fight is growing in scope and is likely to impede the war plans of the imperialists.

d) The workers' and in general the democratic movement in the capitalist countries, as a result of the bitter lessons which the peoples learned during the five terrible years of war, has assumed a new sweep, striking fresh, deep roots in the respective countries, and is increasingly becoming a major factor in the defence of peace.

e) By their heroic and selfless struggle against fascism and their devoted service to their people, the communists in many countries have not only gained complete recognition, but are also taking an active part in the governments of their countries, at some places being even at the head of the government. They have managed actually to unite the truly democratic and progressive forces into national fronts aimed at wiping out the remnants of fascism, at reorganizing their countries and defending their national independence and sovereignty.Tried and unflinching fighters, they spearhead the fight.

f) The last war has particularly intensified capitalist

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contradictions. The bankruptcy of the capitalist system and its anti-popular character are becoming ever clearer to the peoples as is also the superiority of the socialist system, brilliantly confirmed during the war by the great land of Soviet socialist republics. Many more millions in the world now realize perfectly well that their salvation lies solely in the triumph of socialism.

It is therefore obvious that the forces of peace and democracy in the world are incomparably greater than they were at the time of the Munich Pact.

What is more, these forces are steadily growing, whereas the forces of imperialist reaction and the fomentors of a Third World War, far from growing, are doomed to decline.

The intensification and acceleration of this historical process of securing genuine peace for the coming generations depend upon the fight of the freedom-loving and peaceful peoples, upon the fight of the working class, peasants and people's intelligentsia, as well as upon the activity of the communist parties as a factor rallying the democratic and progressive forces.

The imperialists, more particularly the American imperialists, are trying to find a way out of their postwar difficulties and the threatening economic crisis in the economic enslavement of as many countries as possible and in the preparation of a new aggressive war, above all, against the most important and powerful guardian of and fighter for peace - the Soviet Union. The American imperialists count on their dollars to buy the countries with venal rulers, and on their atom bomb to intimidate the peoples who are not ready to sell their independence. They are trying in every way to clear the deck for their crusade for world domination, which, of course, they cannot imagine without a new world war. Hence the support they are rendering to the fascist and reactionary regimes, the moral and military assistance to Greece and Turkey, on the one hand, and their hostility to the new democracies in South-eastern Europe, on the other hand. Hence also their

frenzied anti-Soviet campaign and anti-communist hysteria which we witness now in the United States of America.

Question: Where does Bulgaria stand in the struggle between the pro-Munich and anti-Munich forces?

Answer: Under these circumstances, the place of all democratic nations, including the Bulgarian nation, is undoubtedly on the side of the forces of peace and democracy, headed by the great Soviet Union - against imperialist reaction and the fomentors of a third world war, and not merely as a passive but also as an active factor. This is dictated, of course, not by general ideological reasons, but by the supreme vital interests of the democratic nations, by the necessity for them to preserve and consolidate their political and economic independence and sovereignty.

The great historical task now is to achieve what we failed to achieve on the eve of the last world war - the setting up of a powerful anti-war united front of democratic peoples and countries against the fomentors of new wars, to secure international co-operation, frustrate and foil the aggressive plans of the imperialists and, in the first place, of the American capitalist monopolies.

The main weapon is constantly to unmask these treacherous plans before the masses, under whatever guise they are presented, resolutely to resist the propaganda of a new war and rapidly to mobilize all democratic and progressive forces for the establishment of lasting democratic peace based on the equality of nations and international co-operation.

Rabotnichesko Delo, No. 238 October 12, 1947

G. Dimitrov, Works Vol. 13. pp. 247-252 Published by the BCP, 1955